H G Wells Omnibus, page 266
“Our guns behind felt for the German guns. It was the damnedest racket. Like giant lunatics smashing about amidst colossal pots and pans. They fired different sorts of shells; stink shells as well as Jack Johnsons, and though we didn’t get much of that at our corner there was a sting of chlorine in the air all through the afternoon. Most of the stink shells fell short. We hadn’t masks, but we rigged up a sort of protection with our handkershiefs. And it didn’t amount to very much. It was rather like the chemistry room after Heinrich and the kids had been mixing things. Most of the time I was busy helping with the men who had got hurt. Suddenly there came a lull. Then some one said the Germans were coming, and I had a glimpse of them.
“You don’t look at anything steadily while the guns are going. When a big gun goes off or a shell bursts anywhere near you, you seem neither to see nor hear for a moment. You keep on being intermittently stunned. One sees in a kind of flicker in between the impacts. …
“Well there they were. This time I saw them. They were coming out and running a little way and dropping, and our shell was bursting among them and behind them. A lot of it was going too far. I watched what our men were doing, and poured out a lot of cartridges ready to my hand and began to blaze away. Half the German attack never came out of their trench. If they really intended business against us, which I doubt, they were half-hearted in carrying it out. They didn’t show for five minutes, and they left two or three score men on the ground. Whenever we saw a man wriggle we were told to fire at him; it might be an unwounded man trying to crawl back. For a time our guns gave them beans. Then it was practically over, but about sunset their guns got back at us again, and the artillery fight went on until it was moonlight. The chaps in our third company caught it rather badly, and then our guns seemed to find something and get the upper hand. …
“In the night some of our men went out to repair the wire entanglements, and one man crawled half-way to the enemy trenches to listen. But I had done my bit for the day, and I was supposed to sleep in the dugout. I was far too excited to sleep. All my nerves were jumping about, and my mind was like a lot of flying fragments flying about very fast. …
“They shelled us again next day and our tea dixy was hit; so that we didn’t get any tea. …
“I slept thirty hours after I got back here. And now I am slowly digesting these experiences. Most of our fellows are. My mind and nerves have been rather bumped and bruised by the shelling, but not so much as you might think. I feel as though I’d presently not think very much of it. Some of out men have got the stun of it a lot more than I have. It gets at the older men more. Everybody says that. The men of over thirty-five don’t recover from a shelling for weeks. They go about—sort of hesitatingly. …
“Life is very primitive here—which doesn’t mean that one is getting down to anything fundamental, but only going back to something immediate and simple. It’s fetching and carrying and getting water and getting food and going up to the firing-line and coming back. One goes on for weeks, and then one day one finds oneself crying out, ‘What is all this for? When is it to end?’ I seemed to have something ahead of me before this war began, education, science, work, discoveries; all sorts of things, but it is hard to feel that there is anything ahead of us here. …
“Somehow the last spell in the fire trench has shaken up my mind a lot. I was getting used to the war before, but now I’ve got back to my original amazement at the whole business. I find myself wondering what we are really up to, why the war began, why we were caught into this amazing routine. It looks, it feels orderly, methodical, purposeful. Our officers give us orders and get their orders, and the men back there get their orders. Everybody is getting orders. Back, I suppose, to Lord Kitchener. It goes on for weeks with the effect of being quite sane and intended and the right thing, and then, then suddenly it comes whacking into one’s head, ‘But this—this is utterly mad!’ This going to and fro and to and fro and to and fro; this monotony which breaks ever and again into violence—violence that never gets anywhere—is exactly the life that a lunatic leads. Melancholia and mania. … It’s just a collective obsession—by war. The world is really quite mad. I happen to be having just one gleam of sanity, that won’t last after I have finished this letter. I suppose when an individual man goes mad and gets out of the window because he imagines the door is magically impossible, and dances about in the street without his trousers, jabbing at passers-by with a toasting fork, he has just the same sombre sense of unavoidable necessity that we have, all of us, when we go off with our packs into the trenches. …
“It’s only by an effort that I can recall how life felt in the spring of 1914. Do you remember Heinrich and his attempt to make a table chart of the roses, so that we could sit outside the barn and read the names of all the roses in the barn court? Like the mountain charts they have on tables in Switzerland. What an inconceivable thing that is now! For all I know I shot Heinrich the other night. For all I know he is one of the lumps that we counted after the attack went back.
“It’s a queer thing, Daddy, but I have a sort of seditious feeling in writing things like this. One gets to feel that it is wrong to think. It’s the effect of discipline. Of being part of a machine. Still, I doubt if I ought to think. If one really looks into things in this spirit, where is it going to take us? Ortheris—his real name by-the-by is Arthur Jewell—hasn’t any of these troubles. ‘The b——y Germans butted into Belgium,’ he says. ‘We’ve got to ’oof ’em out again. That’s all abart it. Least-ways it’s all I know. … I don’t know nothing about Serbia, I don’t know nothing about anything, except that the Germans got to stop this sort of Gime for Everlasting, Amen.’ …
“Sometimes I think he’s righter than I am. Sometimes I think he is only madder.”
§ 15
These letters weighed heavily upon Mr. Britling’s mind. He perceived that this precociously wise, subtle youngster of his was now close up to the line of injury and death, going to and fro from it, in a perpetual fluctuating danger. At any time now in the day or night the evil thing might wing its way to him. If Mr. Britling could have prayed, he would have prayed for Hugh. He began and never finished some ineffectual prayers.
He tried to persuade himself of a Roman stoicism; that he would be sternly proud, sternly satisfied, if this last sacrifice for his country was demanded from him. He perceived he was merely humbugging himself. …
This war had no longer the simple greatness that would make any such stern happiness possible. …
The disaster to Teddy and Mrs. Teddy hit him hard. He winced at the thought of Mrs. Teddy’s white face; the unspoken accusation in her eyes. He felt he could never bring himself to say his one excuse to her: “I did not keep Hugh back. If I had done that, then you might have the right to blame.”
If he had overcome every other difficulty in the way to an heroic pose there was still Hugh’s unconquerable lucidity of outlook. War was a madness. …
But what else was to be done? What else could be done? We could not give in to Germany. If a lunatic struggles, sane men must struggle too. …
Mr. Britling had ceased to write about the war at all. All his later writings about it had been abandoned unfinished. He could not imagine them counting, affecting any one, producing any effect. Indeed he was writing now very intermittently. His contributions to The Times had fallen away. He was perpetually thinking now about the war, about life and death, about the religious problems that had seemed so remote in the days of the peace; but none of his thinking would become clear and definite enough for writing. All the clear stars of his mind were hidden by the stormy clouds of excitement that the daily newspaper perpetually renewed and by the daily developments of life. And just as his professional income shrank before his mental confusion and impotence, the private income that came from his and his wife’s investments became uncertain. She had had two thousand pounds in the Constantinople loan, seven hundred in debentures of the Ottoman railway; he had held similar sums in two Hungarian and one Bulgarian loan. There seemed no limit set to the possibilities of shrinkage of capital and income. Income tax had leaped to colossal dimensions, the cost of most things had risen, and the tangle of life was now increased by the need for retrenchments and economies. He decided that Gladys, his facetiously named automobile, was a luxury, and sold her for a couple of hundred pounds. He lost his gardener, who had gone to higher-priced work with a miller, and he had great trouble to replace him, so that the garden became disagreeably unkempt and unsatisfactory. He had to give up his frequent trips to London. He was obliged to defer Statesminster for the boys. For a time at any rate they must go as day boys to Brinsmead. At every point he met this uncongenial consideration of ways and means. For years now he had gone easy, lived with a certain self-indulgence. It was extraordinarily vexatious to have one’s greater troubles for one’s country and one’s son and one’s faith crossed and complicated by these little troubles of the extra sixpence and the untimely bill.
What worried his mind perhaps more than anything else was his gradual loss of touch with the essential issues of the war. At first the militarism, the aggression of Germany, had seemed so bad that he could not see the action of Britain and her allies as anything but entirely righteous. He had seen the war plainly and simply in the phrase: “Now this militarism must end.” He had seen Germany as a system, as imperialism and junkerism, as a callous materialist aggression, as the spirit that makes war, and the Allies as the protest of humanity against all these evil things.
Insensibly, in spite of himself, this first version of the war was giving place to another. The tawdry, rhetorical German Emperor, who had been the great antagonist at the outset, the last upholder of Cæsarism, God’s anointed with the withered arm and the mailed fist, had receded from the foreground of the picture; that truer Germany which is thought and system, which is the will to do things thoroughly, the Germany of Ostwald and the once rejected Hindenburg, was coming to the fore. It made no apology for the errors and crimes that had been imposed upon it by its Hohenzollern leadership, but it fought now to save itself from the destruction and division that would be its inevitable lot if it accepted defeat too easily; fought to hold out, fought for a second chance, with discipline, with skill and patience, with a steadfast will, It fought with science, it fought with economy, with machines and thought against all too human antagonists. It necessitated an implacable hostility, but also it commanded respect. Against it fought three great peoples with as fine a will; but they had neither the unity, the habitual discipline, nor the science of Germany, and it was the latter defect that became more and more the distressful matter of Mr. Britling’s thoughts. France after her initial experiences, after her first reeling month, had risen from the very verge of defeat to a steely splendour of resolution, but England and Russia, those twin slack giants, still wasted force, were careless, negligent, uncertain. Everywhere up and down the scale, from the stupidity of the uniform sandbags and Hugh’s young Officer who would not use a map, to the general conception and direction of the war, Mr. Britling’s inflamed and oversensitised intelligence perceived the same bad qualities for which he had so often railed upon his countrymen in the days of the peace, that impatience, that indolence, that wastefulness and inconclusiveness, that failure to grip issues and do obviously necessary things. The same lax qualities that had brought England so close to the supreme imbecility of a civil war in Ireland in July, 1914, were now muddling and prolonging the war, and postponing, it might be for ever, the victory that had seemed so certain only a year ago. The politician still intrigued, the ineffectives still directed. Against brains used to the utmost their fight was a stupid thrusting forth of men and men and yet more men, men badly trained, under-equipped, stupidly led. A press clamour for invention and scientific initiative was stifled under a committee of elderly celebrities and eminent dufferdon; from the outset, the Ministry of Munitions seemed under the influence of the “business man.” …
It is true that righteousness should triumph over the tyrant and the robber, but have carelessness and incapacity any right to triumph over capacity and foresight? Men were coming now to dark questionings between this intricate choice. And, indeed, was our cause all righteousness?
There surely is the worst doubt of all for a man whose son is facing death.
Where we indeed standing against tyranny for freedom?
There came drifting to Mr. Britling’s ears a confusion of voices, voices that told of reaction, of the schemes of employers to best the trade-unions, of greedy shippers and greedy house-landlords reaping their harvest, of waste and treason in the very households of the Ministry, of religious cant and intolerance at large, of self-advertisement written in letters of blood, of forestalling and jobbery, of irrational and exasperating oppressions in India and Egypt… It came with a shock to him. too, that Hugh should see so little else than madness in the war, and have so pitiless a realisation of its essential futility. The boy forced his father to see—what indeed all along he had been seeing more and more clearly. The war, even by the standards of adventure and conquest, had long since become a monstrous absurdity. Some way there must be out of this bloody entanglement that was yielding victory to neither side, that was yielding nothing but waste and death beyond all precedent. The vast majority of people everywhere must be desiring peace, willing to buy peace at any reasonable price, and in all the world it seemed there was insufficient capacity to end the daily butchery and achieve the peace that was so universally desired, the peace that would be anything better than a breathing space for further warfare. … Every day came the papers with the balanced story of battles, losses, destruction, ships sunk, towns smashed. And never a decision, never a sign of decision.
One Saturday afternoon Mr. Britling found himself with Mrs. Britling at Claverings. Lady Homartyn was in mourning for her two nephews, the Glassington boys, who had both been killed, one in Flanders, the other in Gallipoli. Raeburn was there too, despondent and tired-looking. There were three young men in khaki, one with the red of a staff officer; there were two or three women whom Mr. Britling had not met before, and Miss Sharsper, the novelist, fresh from nursing experience among the convalescents in the south of France. But he was disgusted to find that the gathering was dominated by his old antagonist, Lady Frensham, unsubdued, unaltered, rampant over them all, arrogant, impudent, insulting. She was in mourning, she had the most splendid black furs Mr. Britling had ever seen; her large triumphant profile came out of them like the head of a vulture out of its ruff; her elder brother was a wounded prisoner in Germany, her second was dead; it would seem that hers were the only sacrifices the war had yet extorted from any one. She spoke as though it gave her the sole right to criticise the war or claim compensation for the war.
Her incurable propensity to split the country, to make mischievous accusations against classes and districts and public servants, was having full play. She did her best to provoke Mr. Britling into a dispute, and throw some sort of imputation upon his patriotism as distinguished from her own noisy and intolerant conceptions of “loyalty.”
She tried him first with conscription. She threw out insults at the shirkers and the “funk classes.” All the middle-class people clung on to their wretched little businesses, made any sort of excuse. …
Mr. Britling was stung to defend them. “A business,” he said acidly, “isn’t like land, which waits and grows rich for its owner. And these people can’t leave ferrety little agents behind them when they go off to serve. Tens of thousands of middle-class men have ruined themselves and flung away every prospect they had in the world to go to this war.”
“And scores of thousands haven’t!” said Lady Frensham. “They are the men I’m thinking of. …”
Mr. Britling ran through a little list of aristocratic stay-at-homes that began with a duke.
“And not a soul speaks to him in consequence,” she said.
She shifted her attack to the Labour people. They would rather see the country defeated than submit to a little discipline.
“Because they have no faith in the house of lawyers or the house of landlords,” said Mr. Britling. “Who can blame them?”
She proceeded to tell everybody what she would do with strikers. She would give them “short shrift.” She would give them a taste of the Prussian way—homoeopathic treatment. “But of course old vote-catching Asquith daren’t—he daren’t!” Mr. Britling opened his mouth and said nothing; he was silenced. The men in khaki listened respectfully but ambiguously; one of the younger ladies it seemed was entirely of Lady Frensham’s way of thinking, and anxious to show it. The good lady having now got her hands upon the Cabinet proceeded to deal faithfully with its two-and-twenty members. Winston Churchill had overridden Lord Fisher upon the question of Gallipoli, and incurred terrible responsibilities. Lord Haldane—she called him “Tubby Haldane”—was a convicted traitor. “The man’s a German out and out. Oh! what if he hasn’t a drop of German blood in his veins? He’s a German by choice—which is worse.”
“I thought he had a certain capacity for organisation,” said Mr. Britling.
“We don’t want his organisation, and we don’t want him,” said Lady Frensham.
Mr. Britling pleaded for particulars of the late Lord Chancellor’s treasons. There were no particulars. It was just an idea the good lady had got into her head, that had got into a number of accessible heads. There was only one strong man in all the country now, Lady Frensham insisted. That was Sir Edward Carson.
Mr. Britling jumped in his chair.
“But has he ever done anything?” he cried, “except embitter Ireland?”
Lady Frensham did not hear that question. She pursued her glorious theme. Lloyd George, who had once been worthy only of the gallows, was now the sole minister fit to put beside her hero. He had won her heart by his condemnation of the working man. He was the one man who was not afraid to speak out, to tell them they drank, to tell them they shirked and loafed, to tell them plainly that if defeat came to this country the blame would fall upon them!
