Delphi Complete Works of Stephen Leacock, page 505
June 25 Friday Ships separated by storm.
July 7 Wednesday Cartier reaches the Isle of Birds.
“ 8 Thursday Enters Strait of Belle Isle.
“ 15 Thursday Reaches the rendezvous at Blanc Sablon.
“ 26 Monday Ships meet.
“ 29 Thursday Follows north coast and names Isles St William.
“ 30 Friday Names Isles St Marthy.
“ 31 Saturday Names Cape St Germain.
Aug. 1 Sunday Contrary winds; enters St Nicholas Harbour.
“ 8 Sunday Sails toward the southern coast.
“ 9 Monday Contrary wind; turns toward north and stops
in Bay St Lawrence.
“ 13 Friday Leaves Bay St Lawrence, approaches Anticosti,
and doubles the western point.
“ 15 Sunday Festival of the Assumption. Names Anticosti,
Isle of the Assumption.
“ 16 Monday Continues along coast.
“ 17 Tuesday Turns toward the north.
“ 19 Thursday Arrives at the Seven Islands.
“ 20 Friday Ranges coast with his boats.
“ 21 Saturday Sails west, but obliged to return to the Seven
Islands owing to head winds.
Aug. 24 Tuesday Leaves the Seven Islands and sets sail
toward south.
“ 29 Sunday Martyrdom of St John Baptist. Reaches harbour
of Isles St John.
Sept. 1 Wednesday Quits the harbour and directs his course
toward the Saguenay.
“ 2 Thursday Leaves the Saguenay and reaches the
Bic Islands.
“ 6 Monday Arrives at Isle-aux-Coudres.
“ 7 Tuesday Reaches Island of Orleans.
“ 9 Thursday Donnacona visits Cartier.
“ 13 Monday Sails toward the River St Charles.
“ 14 Tuesday Exaltation of the Holy Cross. Reaches entrance
of St Charles River.
“ 15 Wednesday Plants buoys to guide his ships.
“ 16 Thursday Two ships are laid up for the winter.
“ 17 Friday Donnacona tries to dissuade Cartier from
going to Hochelaga.
“ 18 Saturday Donnacona’s stratagem to deter Cartier
from going to Stadacona.
“ 19 Sunday Cartier starts for Hochelaga with his
pinnace and two boats.
Sept. 28 Tuesday Enters Lake St Peter.
“ 29 Wednesday Leaves his pinnace, and proceeds with
his boats.
Oct. 2 Saturday Arrives at Hochelaga.
“ 3 Sunday Lands and visits town and mountain, which he
named Mount Royal, and leaves Sunday.
“ 4 Monday Regains his pinnace.
“ 5 Tuesday Takes his way back to Stadacona.
“ 7 Thursday Stops at Three Rivers, and plants cross
upon an island.
“ 11 Monday Arrives at the anchorage beside Stadacona.
“ 12 Tuesday Donnacona visits Cartier.
“ 13 Wednesday Cartier and some of his men visit Stadacona.
1536
April 16 Sunday Easter Sunday. The river clear of ice.
“ 22 Saturday Donnacona visits Cartier with large number
of savages.
“ 28 Friday Cartier sends Guyot to Stadacona.
May 3 Wednesday Festival of the Holy Cross. A cross planted;
Cartier seizes Donnacona.
May 5 Friday The people of Stadacona, bring provisions for
Cartier’s captives.
“ 6 Saturday Cartier sails.
“ 7 Sunday Arrives at Isle-aux-Coudres.
“ 15 Monday Exchanges presents with the savages.
“ 22 Monday Reaches Isle Brion.
“ 25 Thursday Festival of the Ascension. Reaches a low,
sandy island.
“ 26 Friday Returns to Isle Brion.
June 1 Thursday Names Capes Lorraine and St Paul.
“ 4 Sunday Fourth of Pentecost. Names harbour
of St Esprit.
“ 6 Tuesday Departs from the harbour of St Esprit.
“ 11 Sunday St Barnabas Day. At Isles St Pierre.
“ 16 Friday Departs from Isles St Pierre and makes
harbour at Rougenouse.
“ 19 Monday Leaves Rougenouse and sails for home.
July 6 Friday Reaches St Malo.
THIRD VOYAGE, 1541
May 23 Monday Cartier leaves St Malo with five ships.
Aug. 23 Tuesday Arrives before Stadacona.
“ 25 Thursday Lands artillery.
Sept. 2 Friday Sends two of his ships home.
“ 7 Wednesday Sets out for Hochelaga.
“ 11 Sunday Arrives at Lachine Rapids.
(The rest of the voyage is unknown.)
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
A GREAT MANY accounts of the voyages of Jacques Cartier have been written both in French and in English; but the fountain source of information for all of these is found in the narratives written by Cartier himself. The story of the first voyage was written under the name of ‘Relation Originale du Voyage de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534.’ The original manuscript was lost from sight for over three hundred years, but about half a century ago it was discovered in the Imperial Library (now the National Library) at Paris. Its contents, however, had long been familiar to English readers through the translation which appears in Hakluyt’s ‘Voyages,’ published in 1600. In the same collection is also found the narrative of the second voyage, as translated from the ‘Bref Recit’ written by Cartier and published in 1545, and the fragment of the account of the third voyage of which the rest is lost. For an exhaustive bibliography of Cartier’s voyages see Baxter, ‘A Memoir of Jacques Cartier’ (New York, 1906). An exceedingly interesting little book is Sir Joseph Pope’s ‘Jacques Cartier: his Life and Voyages’ (Ottawa, 1890). The student is also recommended to read ‘The Saint Lawrence Basin and its Borderlands,’ by Samuel Edward Dawson; papers by the Abbe Verreau, John Reade, Bishop Howley and W. F. Ganong in the ‘Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada;’ the chapter, ‘Jacques Cartier and his Successors,’ by B. F. de Costa, in Winsor’s ‘Narrative and Critical History of America,’ and the chapter ‘The Beginnings of Canada,’ by Arthur G. Doughty, in the first volume of ‘Canada and its Provinces’ (Toronto, 1913).
The Unsolved Riddle of Social Justice
CONTENTS
I. — The Troubled Outlook of the Present Hour
II. — Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness
III. — The Failures and Fallacies of Natural Liberty
IV. — Work and Wages
V. — The Land of Dreams: The Utopia of the Socialist
VI. — How Mr. Bellamy Looked Backward
VII. — What Is Possible and What Is Not
I. — The Troubled Outlook of the Present Hour
THESE ARE TROUBLED times. As the echoes of the war die away the sound of a new conflict rises on our ears. All the world is filled with industrial unrest. Strike follows upon strike. A world that has known five years of fighting has lost its taste for the honest drudgery of work. Cincinnatus will not back to his plow, or, at the best, stands sullenly between his plow-handles arguing for a higher wage.
The wheels of industry are threatening to stop. The laborer will not work because the pay is too low and the hours are too long. The producer cannot employ him because the wage is too high, and the hours are too short. If the high wage is paid and the short hours are granted, then the price of the thing made, so it seems, rises higher still. Even the high wages will not buy it. The process apparently moves in a circle with no cessation to it. The increased wages seem only to aggravate the increasing prices. Wages and prices, rising together, call perpetually for more money, or at least more tokens and symbols, more paper credit in the form of checks and deposits, with a value that is no longer based on the rock-bottom of redemption into hard coin, but that floats upon the mere atmosphere of expectation.
But the sheer quantity of the inflated currency and false money forces prices higher still. The familiar landmarks of wages, salaries and prices are being obliterated. The “scrap of paper” with which the war began stays with us as its legacy. It lies upon the industrial landscape like snow, covering up, as best it may, the bare poverty of a world desolated by war.
Under such circumstances national finance seems turned into a delirium. Billions are voted where once a few poor millions were thought extravagant. The war debts of the Allied Nations, not yet fully computed, will run from twenty-five to forty billion dollars apiece. But the debts of the governments appear on the other side of the ledger as the assets of the citizens. What is the meaning of it? Is it wealth or is it poverty? The world seems filled with money and short of goods, while even in this very scarcity a new luxury has broken out. The capitalist rides in his ten thousand dollar motor car. The seven-dollar-a-day artisan plays merrily on his gramophone in the broad daylight of his afternoon that is saved, like all else, by being “borrowed” from the morning. He calls the capitalist a “profiteer.” The capitalist retorts with calling him a “Bolshevik.”
Worse portents appear. Over the rim of the Russian horizon are seen the fierce eyes and the unshorn face of the real and undoubted Bolshevik, waving his red flag. Vast areas of what was a fertile populated world are overwhelmed in chaos. Over Russia there lies a great darkness, spreading ominously westward into Central Europe. The criminal sits among his corpses. He feeds upon the wreck of a civilization that was.
The infection spreads. All over the world the just claims of organized labor are intermingled with the underground conspiracy of social revolution. The public mind is confused. Something approaching to a social panic appears. To some minds the demand for law and order overwhelms all other thoughts. To others the fierce desire for social justice obliterates all fear of a general catastrophe. They push nearer and nearer to the brink of the abyss. The warning cry of “back” is challenged by the eager shout of “forward!” The older methods of social progress are abandoned as too slow. The older weapons of social defense are thrown aside as too blunt. Parliamentary discussion is powerless. It limps in the wake of the popular movement. The “state”, as we knew it, threatens to dissolve into labor unions, conventions, boards of conciliation, and conferences. Society shaken to its base, hurls itself into the industrial suicide of the general strike, refusing to feed itself, denying its own wants.
This is a time such as there never was before. It represents a vast social transformation in which there is at stake, and may be lost, all that has been gained in the slow centuries of material progress and in which there may be achieved some part of all that has been dreamed in the age-long passion for social justice.
For the time being, the constituted governments of the world survive as best they may and accomplish such things as they can, planless, or planning at best only for the day. Sufficient, and more than sufficient, for the day is the evil thereof.
Never then was there a moment in which there was greater need for sane and serious thought. It is necessary to consider from the ground up the social organization in which we live and the means whereby it may be altered and expanded to meet the needs of the time to come. We must do this or perish. If we do not mend the machine, there are forces moving in the world that will break it. The blind Samson of labor will seize upon the pillars of society and bring them down in a common destruction.
Few persons can attain to adult life without being profoundly impressed by the appalling inequalities of our human lot. Riches and poverty jostle one another upon our streets. The tattered outcast dozes on his bench while the chariot of the wealthy is drawn by. The palace is the neighbor of the slum. We are, in modern life, so used to this that we no longer see it.
Inequality begins from the very cradle. Some are born into an easy and sheltered affluence. Others are the children of mean and sordid want. For some the long toil of life begins in the very bloom time of childhood and ends only when the broken and exhausted body sinks into a penurious old age. For others life is but a foolish leisure with mock activities and mimic avocations to mask its uselessness. And as the circumstances vary so too does the native endowment of the body and the mind. Some born in poverty rise to wealth. An inborn energy and capacity bid defiance to the ill-will of fate. Others sink. The careless hand lets fall the cradle gift of wealth.
Thus all about us is the moving and shifting spectacle of riches and poverty, side by side, inextricable.
The human mind, lost in a maze of inequalities that it cannot explain and evils that it cannot, singly, remedy, must adapt itself as best it can. An acquired indifference to the ills of others is the price at which we live. A certain dole of sympathy, a casual mite of personal relief is the mere drop that any one of us alone can cast into the vast ocean of human misery. Beyond that we must harden ourselves lest we too perish. We feed well while others starve. We make fast the doors of our lighted houses against the indigent and the hungry. What else can we do? If we shelter one what is that? And if we try to shelter all, we are ourselves shelterless.
But the contrast thus presented is one that has acquired a new meaning in the age in which we live. The poverty of earlier days was the outcome of the insufficiency of human labor to meet the primal needs of human kind. It is not so now. We live in an age that is at best about a century and a half old — the age of machinery and power. Our common reading of history has obscured this fact. Its pages are filled with the purple gowns of kings and the scarlet trappings of the warrior. Its record is largely that of battles and sieges, of the brave adventure of discovery and the vexed slaughter of the nations. It has long since dismissed as too short and simple for its pages, the short and simple annals of the poor. And the record is right enough. Of the poor what is there to say? They were born; they lived; they died. They followed their leaders, and their names are forgotten.
But written thus our history has obscured the greatest fact that ever came into it — the colossal change that separates our little era of a century and a half from all the preceding history of mankind — separates it so completely that a great gulf lies between, across which comparison can scarcely pass, and on the other side of which a new world begins.
It has been the custom of our history to use the phrase the “new world” to mark the discoveries of Columbus and the treasure-hunt of a Cortes or a Pizarro. But what of that? The America that they annexed to Europe was merely a new domain added to a world already old. The “new world” was really found in the wonder-years of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Mankind really entered upon it when the sudden progress of liberated science bound the fierce energy of expanding stream and drew the eager lightning from the cloud.
Here began indeed, in the drab surroundings of the workshop, in the silent mystery of the laboratory, the magic of the new age.
But we do not commonly realize the vastness of the change. Much of our life and much of our thought still belongs to the old world. Our education is still largely framed on the old pattern. And our views of poverty and social betterment, or what is possible and what is not, are still largely conditioned by it.
In the old world, poverty seemed, and poverty was, the natural and inevitable lot of the greater portion of mankind. It was difficult, with the mean appliances of the time, to wring subsistence from the reluctant earth. For the simplest necessaries and comforts of life all, or nearly all, must work hard. Many must perish for want of them. Poverty was inevitable and perpetual. The poor must look to the brightness of a future world for the consolation that they were denied in this. Seen thus poverty became rather a blessing than a curse, or at least a dispensation prescribing the proper lot of man. Life itself was but a preparation and a trial — a threshing floor where, under the “tribulation” of want, the wheat was beaten from the straw. Of this older view much still survives, and much that is ennobling. Nor is there any need to say goodby to it. Even if poverty were gone, the flail could still beat hard enough upon the grain and chaff of humanity.
But turn to consider the magnitude of the change that has come about with the era of machinery and the indescribable increase which it has brought to man’s power over his environment. There is no need to recite here in detail the marvelous record of mechanical progress that constituted the “industrial revolution” of the eighteenth century. The utilization of coal for the smelting of iron ore; the invention of machinery that could spin and weave; the application of the undreamed energy of steam as a motive force, the building of canals and the making of stone roads — these proved but the beginnings. Each stage of invention called for a further advance. The quickening of one part of the process necessitated the “speeding up” of all the others. It placed a premium — a reward already in sight — upon the next advance. Mechanical spinning called forth the power loom. The increase in production called for new means of transport. The improvement of transport still further swelled the volume of production. The steamboat of 1809 and the steam locomotive of 1830 were the direct result of what had gone before. Most important of all, the movement had become a conscious one. Invention was no longer the fortuitous result of a happy chance. Mechanical progress, the continual increase of power and the continual surplus of product became an essential part of the environment, and an unconscious element in the thought and outlook of the civilized world.
No wonder that the first aspect of the age of machinery was one of triumph. Man had vanquished nature. The elemental forces of wind and fire, of rushing water and driving storm before which the savage had cowered low for shelter, these had become his servants. The forest that had blocked his path became his field. The desert blossomed as his garden.
The aspect of industrial life altered. The domestic industry of the cottage and the individual labor of the artisan gave place to the factory with its regiment of workers and its steam-driven machinery. The economic isolation of the single worker, of the village, even of the district and the nation, was lost in the general cohesion in which the whole industrial world merged into one.
