Augustus, p.59

Augustus, page 59

 

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  19 Appian, BC 3. 46, Dio 45. 13. 5, with Syme (1960), pp. 126–7.

  20 Attack on Caesar, see Cicero, Philippics 3. 20, Appian, BC 3. 44–6, Dio 45. 13. 5; for mention of Legione Alaudarum in November, see Cicero, ad Att. 16. 8, although it is possible that he merely wanted to depict Antony’s followers as barbarians and so chose to use the name.

  21 For the Josephus quote, BJ 3. 75; for the army in general in this period see H. Parker, The Roman Legions (1957), pp. 47–71, esp. 55–6, F. Adcock, The Roman Art of War under the Republic (1940), P. Brunt, Italian Manpower, 225 BC–AD 14 (1971), P. Connolly, Greece and Rome at War (1981), M. Feugère (ed.), L’Équipment Militaire et L’Armement de la République, JRMES 8 (1997), E. Gabba (trans. P. J. Cuff), The Roman Republic, the Army and the Allies (1976), L. Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army (1984), Y. Le Bohec, The Imperial Roman Army (1994), J. Harmand, L’armée et le soldat à Rome de 107 à 50 avant nôtre ère (Paris, 1967); more general studies include A. Goldsworthy, The Complete Roman Army (2004) and the recent and excellent S. James, Rome and the Sword. How Warriors and Weapons Shaped Roman History (2011).

  22 Quotation from Cicero, ad Att. 16. 5. 3, with Osgood (2006), p. 49, and Stockton (1971), pp. 299–306; Quintus’ view of the consuls in ad Att. 16. 27. 2; Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul, Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 6, 6a. 2.

  23 Cicero, Philippics 3. 2 (3, 5) (Loeb translation, slightly altered).

  24 Cicero, Philippics 3. 3 (6) (Loeb translation, slightly altered).

  25 Osgood (2006), pp. 49–51, Lintott (2008), pp. 385–8.

  26 Syme (1960), pp. 162–70; the vote Appian BC 3. 30.

  27 Suetonius, Augustus 2. 3–3. 1, 4. 2 preserves some of this abuse, and in general see K. Scott, ‘The Political Propaganda of 44–30 BC’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 11 (1933), pp. 7–49.

  28 ‘Boy who owes everything to a name’, Cicero, Philippics 13. 24; flattery of Cicero by Caesar, see Plutarch, Cicero 45–6; on Cicero’s strategy see Stockton (1971), pp. 300–02, 326–8.

  29 Appian, BC 3. 48, 50–51, Dio 46. 29. 2–6, Cicero, ad Brutum 1. 12, Philippics 5. 3–4, 25, 31, with Rawson in CAH2 IX, pp. 479–81.

  CHAPTER 7

  1 Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 20 (SB 401) (Loeb translation, modified).

  2 Appian, BC 3. 27, 49. with J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy. Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), p. 50.

  3 Appian, BC 3. 63, 79, with R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp. 171–2, 183.

  4 Caesar, BG 8. praef. which claims Balbus urged him to write, and see also Osgood (2006), p. 51, fn. 133 noting the favourable treatment of the Seventh and Eighth Legions.

  5 Cicero, ad Fam. 10. 6. 3, cf. Philippics 13. 7–9, see A. Lintott, Cicero as Evidence (2008), p. 399.

  6 Appian, BC 3. 50, 65, Dio 46. 35. 1–37. 3, including desertions from among Caesar’s cavalry, Pliny NH 10. 110 for use of carrier pigeons.

  7 For the twin battles of Forum Gallorum see Cicero, ad Fam. 10. 30 for the vivid eyewitness account of Servius Sulpicius Galba, and Appian, BC 66–70, Dio 46. 37. 1–7, with Osgood (2006), pp. 51–5, and L. Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army (1984), pp. 115–18, and A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 225–7. Appian emphasises the silent, machine-like killing of the veteran legions in a dramatic piece, but this may be no more than rhetoric. It is worth remembering that the only true veterans present were the praetorian cohorts. The rank and file of the Macedonian legions had seen little active service.

  8 Appian, BC 3. 71–2, Dio 46. 38. 1–7, Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 13. 2, Suetonius, Augustus 10. 4 on Caesar’s behaviour, cf. the emphasis on his bravery and youth in Velleius Paterculus 2. 61. 4; on challenges to battle see A. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War 100 BC–AD 200 (1996), pp. 143–5.

  9 Appian, BC 3. 73–5, Plutarch, Antony 17–18; Decimus Brutus’ shortage of animals, Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 13. 2.

  10 Cicero, ad Brutum 1. 6. 2 for a contemporary rumour which Brutus actually doubted because of personal acquaintance with Pansa’s physician, and Suetonius, Augustus 11 for later stories that Caesar was involved in the deaths of Hirtius and Pansa, cf. Tacitus, Ann. 1. 10 where it is hinted that Pansa was poisoned and his own men persuaded to murder Hirtius; for the commander at Forum Gallorum almost caught by the Antonians and then nearly mistakenly killed by his own side see Cicero, ad Fam. 10. 30. 3.

  11 Cicero, ad Brutum 1. 3. 4, ad Fam. 10. 21. 4, 11. 19. 1, 11. 21. 2, Appian, BC 3. 74, Dio 46. 40. 1 and Rawson in CAH2 IX, pp. 483–5, Syme (1960), pp. 176–8 and D. Stockton, Cicero. A Political Biography (1971), pp. 318–23 for summaries of the Senate’s reaction and aftermath of the victory at Mutina; Pollio’s letter is in Cicero, ad Fam. 10. 33. 1.

  12 Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 11. 4 for quote, ad Fam. 11. 19. 1 for Decimus’ disappointment in not receiving command of the Fourth and the Martia; on the defection of Lepidus’ army see Plutarch, Antony 18, Appian, BC 3. 80–84, Dio 46. 38. 6–7, with Syme (1960), pp. 178–9, and Brunt (1971), pp. 481–4.

  13 Stockton (1971), pp. 319–30.

  14 Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 20.

  15 Cicero, Philippics 13. 22–5.

  16 Appian, BC 3. 82, Cicero, ad Brutum 1. 3. 2, 4. 3–6, Philippics 14. 15, Plutarch, Cicero 45, with Stockton (1971), pp. 325–8, Lintott (2008), pp. 416–21; Cicero, ad Brutum 1. 10. 3 (Loeb translation 18.3) for relatives encouraging Caesar’s desire for the consulship.

  17 Appian, BC 3. 88, Suetonius, Augustus 26. 1, Dio 46. 42. 3–43. 6; Syme (1960), p. 185, fn. 7, expresses scepticism at the details of the story.

  18 Appian, BC 3. 88–95, Dio 46. 44. 1–49. 5, Velleius Paterculus 2. 65. 2, Res Gestae 1, with Syme (1960), pp. 185–8; on legions in this period see P. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 BC–AD 14 (1971), pp. 481–4.

  19 J. Ramsay, ‘Did Mark Antony contemplate an alliance with his political enemies in July 44 B.C.E.?’, Classical Philology 96. 3 (2001), pp. 253–68 argues that Antony was only concerned to strengthen his own position and was never committed to a permanent alliance with the conspirators.

  20 On the formation of the triumvirate see Plutarch, Antony 19–21, Appian, BC 3. 96–4. 46. 50. 1–56. 4, with Syme (1960), pp. 188–91, Osgood (2006), pp. 57–61, and Rawson in CAH2 IX, pp. 485–6, and Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 228–31.

  CHAPTER 8

  1 Appian, BC 4. 8 (Loeb translation).

  2 Velleius Paterculus 2. 67. 2 (Loeb translation)

  3 Appian, BC 4. 6, mentioning that some sources said twelve deaths were immediately ordered and others gave the figure as seventeen.

  4 On the proscriptions in general see Appian, BC 4. 6–31, Dio 47. 1. 1–15. 4, Plutarch, Cicero 46, Antony 19, with good surveys in J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy. Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp. 62–82, and R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp. 190–94; for an interesting discussion of the impact of the proscriptions, their presentation and the role of the young Caesar see A. Powell, Virgil the Partisan: A Study in the Re-integration of Classics (2008), pp. 55–62, 68–9, who points out that there is a danger of forgetting the essential savagery of these murders because we are so used to the term ‘proscriptions’; for the size of the force brought into Rome by each triumvir, see Appian, BC 4. 7; the quote about not writing against the triumvirs is attributed to Asinius Pollio in Macrobius, Satires 2. 11.1.

  5 Appian, BC 4. 8–11 offers a version of the proscription proclamation, which may be authentic. Inclusion of Caius Toranius, see Suetonius, Augustus 27. 1.

  6 Plutarch, Antony 19–20, Appian, BC 4. 5–30, 37, Dio 57. 1. 1–14. 5, with Syme (1960), pp. 190–96, and Osgood (2006), pp. 62–82; Plutarch, Antony 20 (Oxford translation, modified) for quote.

  7 See Plutarch, Cicero 47–8, Appian, BC 4. 19–20, with Osgood (2006), p. 78 for discussion and the other sources, see D. Stockton, Cicero. A Political Biography (1971), pp. 331–2, T. Mitchell, Cicero. The Senior Statesman (1991), pp. 322–4, A. Everitt, Cicero. A Turbulent Life (2001), pp. 304–10.

  8 Dio 47. 8. 3–4, Plutarch, Cicero 48–9, Antony 20, Appian, BC 4. 19, and see also Cornelius Nepos, Atticus 9. 3–7, with A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 245–6.

  9 Suetonius, Augustus 27. 1–2 for emphasis on his pursuit of victims, and contrast with Velleius Paterculus 2. 66–7 where the blame is placed firmly on Antony and Lepidus, with K. Scott, ‘The Political Propaganda of 44–30 BC’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 11 (1933), pp. 7–49, esp. 19–21, Powell (2008), pp. 63–8 on attitudes to and presentation of Caesar in the sources, and Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 246–7.

  10 Corinthian vases, see Suetonius, Augustus 70. 2, and Antony proscribing Verres for his artworks see Pliny, NH 34. 2. 6, with Scott (1933), pp. 20–21; on Antony and Fulvia see Appian, BC 4. 40, Dio 47. 7. 4–5, 8. 5.

  11 Appian, BC 4. 30 for youthful victims, and 4. 23–4 on stories about wives; on the role of women, see Osgood (2006), pp. 74–82.

  12 Appian, BC 4. 23, with Osgood (2006), pp. 64–5, 79; the incident of the wife being beaten by Lepidus’ attendants comes from an inscription set up as a memorial to her by her husband, conventionally (although probably inaccurately) known today as the Laudatio Turiae, see Osgood (2006), pp. 67–74 for discussion and references.

  13 Dio 47. 7. 4–5.

  14 Appian, BC 4. 31–4, Dio 47. 14. 2–3, with Osgood (2006), pp. 84–8.

  15 Dio 47. 18. 3–19, with S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (1971), pp. 386–98.

  16 Death of Atia, Suetonius, Augustus 61. 2, Dio 47. 17. 6; earlier betrothal and subsequent marriage to Claudia, Suetonius, Augustus 62. 1, Velleius Paterculus 2. 65. 2, Plutarch, Antony 20; Claudia still a virgin when they divorced, Dio 48. 5. 3.

  17 For discussion see R. Weigel, Lepidus. The Tarnished Triumvir (1992), pp. 69–70, 77–9.

  18 Dio 47. 25. 3, and Appian, BC 4. 100–01; see also Appian, BC 5. 17 providing a detailed discussion of soldiers’ attitudes, and Cornelius Nepos, Eumenes 8. 2 comparing Macedonian veterans with contemporary Roman soldiers in their greed and readiness to fight civil wars; for examples of Brutus’ coinage see M. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (1974), pp. 498–508.

  19 Appian, BC 4. 101–8, Plutarch, Brutus 37–40

  20 Appian, BC 4. 106, 108, Dio 47. 37. 2–3, Suetonius, Augustus 13. 1.

  21 For numbers see Appian, BC 4. 88, 108; for discussion, but generally accepting a high estimate, see P. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 BC–AD 14 (1971), pp. 485–8, and Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 251–3 for doubts; contrast Appian, BC 4. 137 who emphasises the scale of the campaign with Dio 47. 39. 1 who claims that these were not the biggest battles of the civil wars; note also Velleius Paterculus 2. 113, where the future emperor Tiberius found it too difficult to control a force of ten legions gathered in one place.

  22 On challenges to battle see A. Goldsworthy, The Roman Army at War 100 BC–AD 200 (1996), pp. 141–5.

  23 For the First Battle of Philippi see Appian, BC 4. 109–14, Plutarch, Brutus 40–45, Dio 47. 42. 1–47. 1, and a well-illustrated narrative in S. Sheppard, Philippi 42 BC. The Death of the Roman Republic (2008); on loss of baggage causing a collapse in morale, see Caesar, BG 5. 33, contrasted with better discipline at BG 5. 43 by a different legion.

  24 For the various versions of Octavian’s behaviour see Plutarch, Brutus 41, Antony 22, Dio 47. 41. 3–4, 46. 2, Velleius Paterculus 2. 70. 1, Suetonius, Augustus 13. 1, Pliny, NH 7. 147, with brief discussion in Syme (1960), pp. 204–5, Osgood (2006), pp. 95–6, Stark (1933), pp. 21–2, and Powell (2008), p. 106.

  25 Appian, BC 4. 125–31, Plutarch, Brutus 49–52, Antony 22 (who is the only source to imply that Caesar was still ill for the second battle), Dio 47. 48. 1–49. 4.

  26 Appian, BC 4. 129–31, 135, Suetonius, Augustus 13. 1–2, Dio 47. 49. 2, Plutarch, Brutus 53. 3, Antony 22, Comparison of lives of Dion and Brutus 5. 1, with Stark (1933), pp. 22–3.

  27 Res Gestae 2 (Loeb translation).

  28 For more detail on Antony’s actions in the next year and a half, see Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 261–71, with particular emphasis on the choice facing Cleopatra as a client ruler.

  29 Appian, BC 5. 3, 12, Dio 48. 1. 2–3. 6, with Weigel (1992), pp. 79–80.

  30 For detailed discussion of the land confiscations see L. Keppie, Colonisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy: 47–14 BC (1983), passim and Osgood (2006), pp. 108–51.

  31 On the Perusine War see Appian, BC 5. 12–51, Dio 48. 5. 1–14. 6, Plutarch, Antony 30, Velleius Paterculus 2. 74–6, with discussions in E. Gabba, ‘The Perusine War and Triumviral Italy’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 75 (1971), pp. 139–60, Syme (1960), pp. 207–12, Osgood (2006), pp. 152–72, and C. Pelling in CAH2 X, pp. 14–17.

  32 On these see J. Hallett, ‘Perusinae Glandes and the Changing Image of Augustus’, AJAH 2 (1977), pp. 151–71, and see also T. Rihll, ‘Lead Slingshot (glandes)’, JRA 22 (2009), pp. 149–69 which makes a good case that these lead shot may have been fired from very light, possibly hand-held, artillery rather than slings. This does not alter the significance of their messages; Caesar nearly killed by a raiding party, see Suetonius, Augustus 14 claiming that the raiders were freed gladiators, cf. Appian, BC 5. 33; for an escape from the siege, which later ends in tragedy, see Propertius, Elegies 1. 21.

  33 End of siege and treatment of prisoners, see Appian, BC 5. 46–9, Dio 48. 14. 3–6, Suetonius, Augustus 15, and Velleius Paterculus 2. 74. 4 for the story that the fire was started by one of the inhabitants, with Stark (1933), pp. 27–8; for Achilles’ sacrifice see Iliad 23. 21–2.

  CHAPTER 9

  1 Virgil, Eclogues 1. 67–72 (Loeb translation, slightly modified).

  2 Virgil, Eclogues 4. 4–12 (Loeb translation, slightly modified).

  3 Martial, Epigrams 11. 20. 3–8, with comments in K. Scott, ‘The Political Propaganda of 44–30 BC’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 11 (1933), pp. 7–49, esp. 24–6.

  4 Appian, BC 5. 7, Dio 49. 32. 3 on Glaphyra, and on Manius see R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp. 208–9, and Appian, BC 5. 19.

  5 Appian, BC 5. 13, and esp. 5. 15–17 with two instances of soldiers rioting against Caesar, the second incident resulting in the murder of the centurion, Nonius, and Dio 48. 8. 1–10. 1; Suetonius, Augustus 104. 12–106. 2 records his immense conviction of his own destiny.

  6 Suetonius, Augustus 62. 1, Dio 48. 5. 3 on Claudia. On Calenus see Dio 48. 20. 3, Appian, BC 5. 51, 54, 59–61.

  7 Appian, BC 5. 55, Velleius Paterculus 2. 76.

  8 Antony’s mother Julia, see Appian, BC 5. 52; on Labienus’ father see R. Syme, ‘The Allegiance of Labienus,’ JRS 28 (1938), pp. 113–25, and W. Tyrell, ‘Labienus’ departure from Caesar in January 49 BC’, Historia 21 (1972), pp. 424–40; on the son see Dio 48. 24. 4–25. 1; on the Parthian invasion see Dio 48. 26. 5, with Syme (1960), p. 223, and discussion of the campaign and its context in D. Kennedy, ‘Parthia and Rome: eastern perspectives’, in D. Kennedy (ed.), The Roman Army in the East. Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplements 18 (1996), pp. 67–90, esp. 77–81, J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy. Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp. 185, 225–8.

  9 Dio 48. 12. 1–5, Appian, BC 5. 20–24.

  10 Appian, BC 5. 56–66, Dio 48. 28. 1–30. 2, with Syme (1960), pp. 129, 216–17, 242, 253–5, and Pelling in CAH2 X, pp. 17–20; on Maecenas see Syme (1960), pp. 129, 341–2, 359.

  11 On Fulvia see the scepticism concerning our sources in D. Delia, ‘Fulvia Reconsidered’, in S. Pomperoy (ed.), Women’s History and Ancient History (1991), pp. 197–217, and on her death see Plutarch, Antony 30, Appian, BC 5. 59, Dio 48. 28. 3–4; on the marriage to Octavia see Plutarch, Antony 31, Appian, BC 5. 64, Dio 48. 28. 3–31. 3, Velleius Paterculus 2. 78. 1, with Osgood (2006), pp. 188–201, Syme (1960), pp. 217–20, E. Huzar, ‘Mark Antony: Marriages vs. careers’, The Classical Journal 81 (1985/6), pp. 97–111, esp. 103–11.

  12 Plutarch, Antony 57, and in general Osgood (2006), pp. 193–200 for a good discussion of Virgil’s Fourth Eclogue in the context of these years. There were other opinions on the identity of the child, including a claim by Pollio’s son. In the Christian era the messianic tone and first-century-BC date of the poem has at times been interpreted as referring to Jesus.

  13 Appian, BC 5. 53, Suetonius, Augustus 52. 2, Dio 48. 16. 3, Syme (1960), p. 213.

  14 See G. Rickman, The Corn Supply of Ancient Rome (1980), pp. 60–61, P. Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World. Responses to Risk and Crisis (1988), pp. 202, 206–8.

  15 See K. Welch, ‘Sextus Pompeius and the Res Publica in 42–39 BC’, in A. Powell & K. Welch (eds), Sextus Pompeius (2002), pp. 31–63; Cassius’ comments about Cnaeus Pompey, see Cicero, ad Fam. 15. 19. 4.

  16 A. Powell, ‘‘‘An island amid the flame”: The Strategy and Imagery of Sextus Pompeius, 43–36 BC’, in Powell & Welch (2002), pp. 103–33. esp. 105–9, 118–29, and A. Powell, Virgil the Partisan: A Study in the Re-integration of Classics (2008), pp. 31–83; for Lucius Antonius, see Dio 48. 5. 4.

  17 Appian, BC 4. 25, 36, 85, 5. 143, Dio 47. 12. 1–13. 1, Velleius Paterculus 2. 72. 5, 77. 2, with Welch (2002), pp. 45–6; Caesar’s formal shaving, Dio 48. 34. 3, with comments in M. Flory, ‘Abducta Neroni Uxor: The historiographic tradition on the marriage of Octavian and Livia,’ Transactions of the American Philological Association 118 (1988), pp. 343–59, esp. 344.

  18 Appian, BC 5. 67–8, Dio 48. 31. 1–6.

  19 Appian, BC 5. 69–74, Dio 48. 36. 1–38. 3, Velleius Paterculus 2. 77, Plutarch, Antony 32, with Syme (1960), pp. 221–2, Osgood (2006), pp. 205–7, and Powell (2008), pp. 190–91; and especially Welch (2002), pp. 51–4 suggesting that the exiles may have pressured Sextus into the treaty.

  20 Plutarch, Antony 33, Appian, BC 5. 76, Dio 48. 39. 2, Seneca, Suasoriae 1. 6, with M. Grant, Cleopatra (1972), pp. 129–30; on Ventidius’ campaign see the brief account in A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 286–8, with references to the ancient sources.

 

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