Augustus, page 58
27 For a more detailed account of the campaigns in Gaul, see Goldsworthy (2006), pp. 184–356 = (2007), pp. 222–431; for Caesar’s Commentaries in general see the collection of papers in K. Welch & A. Powell (eds), Julius Caesar as Artful Reporter: The War Commentaries as Political Instruments (1998).
28 Quotations from Lucan, Pharsalia 1. 125–6 (Oxford translation by S. Braund), and Cicero, ad Fam. 8. 8. 9; for the path to the Civil War in general see Gelzer (1968), pp. 169–94, Seager (2002), pp. 138–51, Wiseman in CAH2 IX, pp. 414–23, Goldsworthy (2006), pp. 358–79 = (2007), pp. 434–60.
29 Appian, BC 2. 28, with a slightly different version in Plutarch, Pompey 58, cf. Dio 60. 64. 1–4.
30 Plutarch, Pompey 59, Caesar, BG 8. 52. 3, Dio 40. 64. 3–4, Appian, BC 2. 31–2, Caesar, BC 1. 1–5, Suetonius, Julius Caesar 29. 2, Dio 41. 1. 1–3. 4.
31 Suetonius, Caesar 31–2, Plutarch, Caesar 32, Appian, BC 2. 35.
CHAPTER 4
1 Quoted in Suetonius, Caesar 30. 4.
2 Pompey’s boast about stamping his foot, see Plutarch, Pompey 57, 60; ‘Sulla did it’, see Cicero, ad Att. 9. 10. 3; for narrative and discussion of these campaigns see A. Goldsworthy, Caesar. The Life of a Colossus (2006), pp. 380–471 = (2007), pp. 461–574.
3 Cicero, ad Att. 9. 7C.
4 For the campaigns see Goldsworthy (2006), pp. 380–431 = (2007), pp. 461–524.
5 On the behaviour of Roman commanders see N. Rosenstein, Imperatores Victi (1993), pp. 114–51; for a fuller account of the death of Pompey and Julius Caesar’s time in Egypt see A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 167–81.
6 Suetonius, Augustus 8. 1, Nicolaus of Damascus 3; on funerals see the famous account of Polybius 6. 53. 1–54. 6.
7 Tacitus, Dialogues 28. 6 (Loeb translation), p. 307.
8 Nicolaus of Damascus 3, Velleius Paterculus 2. 59. 3; for a wider discussion of attitudes to motherhood and the mother’s role see S. Dixon, The Roman Mother (1988), pp. 104–40, esp. 129–35.
9 Nicolaus of Damascus 4; Philippus’ villas are mentioned by Cicero, ad Att. 12. 16, 12. 18, 14. 11; for Marcellus’ neutrality see R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), p. 62.
10 Suetonius, Augustus 8. 1, 94. 10, Dio 45. 1. 5–6, Nicolaus of Damascus 4; on the ceremonies associated with adopting the toga virilis in general see B. Rawson, Children and Childhood in Roman Italy (2003), pp. 142–4, on the sacrifice to Iuventus see Dionysius of Halicarnassus 4. 15. 5.
11 Election as pontiff see Nicolaus of Damascus 4, Cicero, Philippics 5. 17. 46, Velleius Paterculus 2. 59. 3.
12 Suetonius, Augustus 79. 1–2.
13 Sallust, Bell Cat. 25.
14 Julius Caesar’s appearance, see Suetonius, Julius Caesar 45. 1, Octavius’ eyes, see Suetonius, Augustus 79. 2. On sexual mores and Octavius, see Nicolaus of Damascus 5, 15; the literature on sex in ancient Rome is vast, ever increasing and rather too often reflects modern preoccupations, but a reasonable introduction is provided by P. Grimal (trans. A. Train), Love in Ancient Rome (1986); for Antony and Cytheris see Cicero, ad Att. 10. 10, Philippics 2. 58, ad Fam. 9. 26. Serv. On E10; de vir. Ill. 82. 2, Plutarch, Antony 6, 9. Cicero’s distaste for her only became public in the Philippics 2. 58, 69, 77; in general see Grimal (1986), pp. 222–37; on the identity of Lesbia as one of Clodius’ sisters see Apuleius, Apologia. 10.
15 Suetonius, Augustus 8. 1, Velleius Paterculus 2. 59. 3, Nicolaus of Damascus 10–13, 15.
16 A good survey of Julius Caesar’s dictatorship is J. Gardner, ‘The Dictator’, in M. Griffin (ed.), A Companion to Julius Caesar (2009), pp. 57–71, and for more detail see M. Gelzer (trans. P. Needham), Caesar (1968), pp. 272–333, C. Meier (trans. D. McLintock), Caesar (1996), pp. 430–96.
17 See in general E. Rawson, ‘Civil War and dictatorship’ in CAH2 IX, pp. 438–67, and Syme (1960), pp. 61–96 on Caesar’s party and his new senators.
18 Cicero, ad Att. 4. 16. 3, 8, 17. 7, Suetonius, Caesar 26. 2, Pliny, NH 36. 103, with Rawson in CAH2 IX, pp. 453–4.
19 Suetonius, Caesar 44. 2, Pliny, NH 18. 211, Plutarch, Caesar 59, Macrobius, Saturnalia 1. 14. 2–3, T. Rice Holmes, The Roman Republic Vol. III (1923), pp. 285–7, Gelzer (1968), p. 289, and Z. Yavetz, Julius Caesar and his Public Image (1983), pp. 111–14.
20 For accounts of the triumphs see Dio 43. 19. 1–21. 4, 42. 3, 44. 1–3, Appian, BC 2. 101–2, Plutarch, Caesar 55, Suetonius, Caesar 37, Pliny, NH 7. 92, Cicero, Philippics 14. 23; see also comments in M. Gelzer, Caesar (1968), pp. 284–6, Holmes (1923), pp. 279–81, and in general S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (1971), esp. pp. 76–7.
21 Julius Caesar’s comment that he would reward even bandits if loyal to him, Suetonius, Augustus 72; more generally see Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 183–90 on debt and rewards to followers.
22 Suetonius, Augustus 8. 1, 41. 1, Nicolaus of Damascus 6–15, Dio 43. 47. 3, Tacitus, Ann. 11. 25. 2, and note the comments in R. Billows, Julius Caesar: The Colossus of Rome (2009), pp. 256–8 on his attitude to Octavius and his nephews.
23 Suetonius, Julius Caesar 77.
24 For discussion of Julius Caesar’s plans, contrast E. Rawson, ‘Caesar’s Heritage: Hellenistic Kings and their Roman Equals’, JRS 65 (1975), pp. 148–59, R. Carson, ‘Caesar and the monarchy’, Greece & Rome 4 (1957), pp. 46–53, and J. Collins, ‘Caesar and the corruption of power’, Historia 4 (1957), pp. 445–65.
25 For an excellent discussion of Cleopatra’s real importance, see E. Gruen, ‘Cleopatra in Rome. Fact and Fantasies’, in D. Braund & C. Gill (eds), Myths, History and Culture in Republican Rome: Studies in honour of T. P. Wiseman (2003), pp. 257–74, and more generally Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 192–203; story of law allowing Julius Caesar to take several wives, Suetonius, Julius Caesar 52. 3.
26 ‘Not King, but Caesar’, see Suetonius, Julius Caesar 79. 2; for the Lupercalia see Dio 44. 11. 1–3, Appian, BC 2. 109, Plutarch, Caesar 61, Antony 12, Cicero, Philippics 2. 84–7, de divinatione 1. 52, 119, Suetonius, Caesar 79. 2–3, and the recent survey in J. North, ‘Caesar at the Lupercalia,’ JRS 98 (2008), pp. 144–60, making a very good case that Julius Caesar cannot have staged the affair in the hope of becoming king, and so, if planned, the intention was to refuse very publicly; see also Weinstock (1971), pp. 318–41.
27 Suetonius, Caesar 41. 2, 76. 2, 80. 3, Dio 43. 46. 2–4, Plutarch, Caesar 58, Pliny NH 7. 181, Cicero, ad Fam. 7. 30. 1–2, Gelzer (1968), p. 309, 310–11, and Holmes (1923), pp. 328–30.
28 Suetonius, Caesar 77; for Cicero receiving unwarranted thanks from provincials, see Cicero, ad Fam. 9. 15. 4; behaviour at the games, Suetonius, Augustus 45. 1.
29 ‘I have lived long enough’, Cicero, pro Marcello 8, 25; ‘he hates me’, Cicero, ad Att. 14. 1.
30 For the conspirators in general see Gelzer (1968), pp. 323–9, Syme (1960), pp. 44–5, 56–60, 64, 95, A. Lintott, ‘The assassination’, in Griffin (2009), pp. 72–82, and sources in Suetonius, Caesar 83. 2, Dio 43. 47. 3, 44. 11. 4–14. 4, Appian, BC 2. 111–14, 3. 98, Plutarch, Antony 13, Brutus 6–13, Caesar 62, Suetonius, Caesar 80. 1, 3–4, Velleius Paterculus 2. 58. 1–4; on Cato’s suicide, see Dio 43. 10. 1–13. 4, Appian, BC 2. 98–9, Plutarch, Cato the Younger 56. 4, 59. 1–73. 1.
31 Quotation from Cicero, ad Fam. 15. 19. 4; the works praising Cato and Julius Caesar’s Anticato, see Cicero, ad Att. 12. 21. 1, 13. 40. 1, 46, 51. 1, Orator 10, 35, Plutarch, Cato the Younger 11. 1–4, 25. 1–5, 73. 4, Cicero 39. 2, Caesar 3. 2, Suetonius, Caesar 56. 5, with Gelzer (1968), pp. 301–4, Holmes (1923), p. 311 and D. Stockton, Cicero (1971), p. 138; senators take oath to protect Julius Caesar, in Suetonius, Julius Caesar 84. 2; conspirators not bound by an oath, Plutarch, Brutus 12, unlike the Catilinarians, Sallust, Bell. Cat. 22. 1–2.
32 The assassination, see Plutarch, Caesar 66, Brutus 17, Antony 13, Dio 44. 19. 1–5, Appian, BC 2. 117, Suetonius, Caesar 82. 1–3.
33 Cicero, ad Att. 14. 1 for the quote from Caius Matius.
CHAPTER 5
1 Cicero, ad Att. 15. 12. 2.
2 Suetonius, Augustus 9. 2, Appian, BC 3. 9, Velleius Paterculus 2. 59. 4, Dio 45. 3. 1, Nicolaus of Damascus 16 for the period spent in Apollonia; examples of travelling to the Hellenic world to study rhetoric include Cicero and Julius Caesar, see Cicero, Brutus 316, and Suetonius, Caesar 4. 2, Plutarch, Caesar 2.
3 Appian, BC 3. 9 emphasises his training with the cavalry.
4 On Salvidienus and Agrippa see R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp. 129, fn. 2–3.
5 On the news and reaction see in particular Nicolaus of Damascus 16, and comments in J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy. Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), p. 31, and comments on the legions’ anticipation of plunder p. 47.
6 Nicolaus of Damascus 17–18, Appian, BC 3. 10–11.
7 On the aftermath of the Ides and Julius Caesar’s funeral see in general Rawson in CAH2 IX, pp. 468–70, Syme (1960), pp. 97–105, Osgood (2006), pp. 12–14, A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 204–14, T. Mitchell, Cicero the Senior Statesman (1991), pp. 289–91; Appian, BC 2. 120–23, 120 on the irony of bribing the populace while proclaiming liberty.
8 On the will see Suetonius, Julius Caesar 83. 2, and also for a useful discussion see R. Billows, Julius Caesar: The Colossus of Rome (2009), pp. 256–8, and Osgood (2006), p. 31 fn. 71 with references to the debate on this subject; for Cicero’s subsequent claim that Julius Caesar would not have returned from the east, see Cicero, ad Att. 15. 2. 3.
9 Antony refused part of his father’s estate, see Cicero, Philippics 2. 44; powers over freedmen, see Appian, BC 3. 94.
10 Nicolaus of Damascus 18, Appian, BC 3. 11–13, Suetonius, Augustus 9. 2; Cicero on Philippus’ campaign, see Cicero, ad Fam. 12. 2. 2; quoting Achilles in Appian, BC 3. 13, citing Iliad 18. 98 – ‘I must die soon, then; since I was not to stand by my companion when he was killed’ (Lattimore translation).
11 For emphasis on Octavius aiming at supremacy from the very start, see B. Levick, Augustus. Image and Substance (2010), pp. 23–4.
12 On the name see the important article by R. Syme, ‘Imperator Caesar: A study in imperial nomenclature’, pp. 172–88.
13 Nicolaus of Damascus 18, Appian, BC 3. 13–21, Cicero, ad Att. 14. 6. 1 and Osgood (2006), p. 31, fn. 73; Cicero, ad Att. 14. 5. 3 questioning Atticus about the arrival in Rome.
14 Cicero, ad Att. 14. 10. 3; on Balbus’ background and work for Julius Caesar see Syme (1960), pp. 71–3. Cicero once defended him in court, and the speech is preserved in the pro Balbo; for Cicero’s testimony in general see A. Lintott, Cicero as Evidence (2008), esp. pp. 339–73.
15 For the quote see Cicero, ad Att. 14. 11. 2; Marcellus on good terms with conspirators ad Att. 15. 12. 2; on the attitudes of the two former consuls see Syme (1960), pp. 114, 128. Syme was inclined to speak of Caesarean and Pompeian parties, but did not present these as rigid or permanent groups.
16 On Dolabella see Syme (1960), pp. 69, fn. 2, 97, 150–51; past conflict with Antony see Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 186–91.
17 Plutarch, Antony 4 for the aping of Hercules and stereotype of the swaggering soldier; for Antony in general see Goldsworthy (2010), passim.
18 For the family see Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 52–65.
19 Cicero, Philippics 2. 44 for refusing part of his father’s estate, and 44–6 for his youth; in general see Goldsworthy (2010), pp. 81–104.
20 Cicero, Philippics 2. 58, ad Att. 10. 10, 13, ad Fam. 9. 26, Serv. On E10; de vir. Ill. 82. 2. Cicero’s distaste only became public in the Philippics 2. 58, 69, 7; see also Plutarch, Antony 6, 9, Pliny, NH 8. 55.
21 Cicero, Philippics 2. 64–9, 72–4, 78, Plutarch, Antony 10, Dio 45. 28. 1–4; Plutarch, Antony 10 claims that there was a breach between Caesar and Antony. M. Gelzer (trans. P. Needham), Caesar (1968), pp. 261–2 is inclined to see this as serious, while Syme (1960), p. 104 doubts this; riding in the same carriage as Julius Caesar, Plutarch, Antony 11.
22 Plutarch, Antony 13.
23 See R. Weigel, Lepidus. The Tarnished Triumvir (1992), pp. 44–51, and Syme (1960), pp. 97–111; on Antony’s attitude see the insightful discussion in J. Ramsay, ‘Did Mark Antony contemplate an alliance with his political enemies in July 44 B.C.E.?’, Classical Philology 96. 3 (2001), pp. 253–68, which although focusing more on the summer months presents a good analysis of his attitude.
24 Amatius and the altar to Julius Caesar see Appian, BC 3. 2–3, 36, Cicero, ad Att. 14. 15, Syme (1960), p. 99; his attempt to gain acceptance from the young Octavius, see Nicolaus of Damascus 14.
25 J. Ramsay, ‘The Senate, Mark Antony, and Caesar’s Legislative Legacy’, Classical Quarterly 44 (1994), pp. 130–45 is rightly cautious of accepting Cicero’s judgement wholesale and presents an excellent analysis of several of the most controversial measures and their context. The details do not alter the central point that bringing in such laws and grants was extremely beneficial to Antony, whether or not they were genuine decisions of the dictator.
26 Appian, BC 3. 27, 30, with Syme (1960), pp. 115–16, and P. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 BC–AD 14 (1971), pp. 477–83, Osgood (2006), pp. 33–4.
27 Cicero, ad Att. 16. 1, 2. 3, 4. 1, 5. 1, Appian, BC 3. 24, Plutarch, Brutus 21. 2–3; quotation from Cicero, ad Att. 15. 4.
28 Cicero, ad Att. 16. 15. 1 notes his decision to make public Dolabella’s failure to repay the dowry.
CHAPTER 6
1 Res Gestae 1 (Brunt & Moore’s translation).
2 Appian, BC 3. 21–2, Suetonius, Augustus 10. 1–2, 95, Dio 45. 3. 4–7. 2, Nicolaus of Damascus 28, see also R. Syme (1960), pp. 114–17, 116, fn. 3 citing T. Rice Holmes, The Architect of the Roman Empire Vol. 1 (1928), p. 191, arguing that the ludi Ceriales were celebrated in late May rather than April as was usual.
3 Nicolaus of Damascus 18 for Julius Caesar’s war chest. For his financial backers see n. 4.
4 Appian, BC 3. 23–4, 28, Suetonius, Augustus 10. 1, Dio 45. 6. 4, Cicero, ad Att. 15. 2. 3, with Syme (1960), p. 131 and J. Ramsay, ‘Did Mark Antony contemplate an alliance with his political enemies in July 44 B.C.E.?’, Classical Philology 96. 3 (2001), pp. 253–68, esp. 253, fn. 3 on the length of the festival and its dates at this period. The article presents a very useful analysis of the chronology of events in the summer months of 44 BC.
5 Suetonius, Julius Caesar 88, Pliny, NH 2. 93–4, with J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy. Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp. 40–41, and for a very detailed analysis J. Ramsay & A. Licht, The Comet of 44 BC and Caesar’s Funeral Games (1997), pp. 135–53.
6 The election to the tribunate, see Appian, BC 3. 31 for the fullest account, which claims he supported a candidate, but the crowd ‘demanded’ that he stand, but that this was blocked by Antony, and also Plutarch, Antony 16, Dio 45. 6. 2, Suetonius 10. 2, with Syme (1960), p. 120 and Z. Yavetz, Plebs and Princeps (1969), pp. 73–5 ; the comet a sign of his own future greatness, Pliny, NH 2. 93.
7 On the question of the jury reform see J. Ramsay, ‘Mark Antony’s Judiciary Reform and its revival under the Triumvirs’, JRS 95 (2005), pp. 20–37, although note p. 31 for the dismissal of a property qualification of 40,000 or perhaps 50,000 sesterces for membership of the prima classis in the Comitia centuriata as ‘an extremely paltry sum’ compared to an equestrian census of eight times that size. It was still around double the very generous discharge bonus Caesar was soon to promise his soldiers. It was also a minimum qualification, and no doubt the property of individuals covered the full range up to the equestrian census.
8 Cicero, ad Fam. 11. 28. 6–7 for Matius’ letter to Cicero explaining his financial backing for the young Caesar as a duty owed to his friendship with Julius Caesar; Appian, BC 3. 28–30, for reconciliation and the vote, and 32–42 for their relations and subsequent alleged plot, and see also Cicero, ad Att. 16. 8. 1–2, ad Fam. 12. 3, Dio 45. 7–3–9.5, 12. 1–6, Plutarch, Antony 16. For the status of Caesar’s volunteers and the soldiers who subsequently joined him, see the discussion in J. Linderski, ‘Aphrodisias and the Res Gestae: The Genera Militiae and the Status of Octavian,’ JRS 74 (1984), pp. 74–80, arguing that any oath taken by Caesar’s men was part of an emergency levy and so not the normal military oath or sacramentum, but a coniuratio, and discussing the implications of this for their status.
9 For Cicero’s thoughts and actions during this period, see D. Stockton, Cicero. A Political Biography (1971), pp. 292–7, and Ramsay (2001), esp. pp. 265–7.
10 Osgood (2006), pp. 41–2, Stockton (1971), pp. 292–3, 297–9, A. Lintott, Cicero as Evidence (2008), pp. 375–82; Appian, BC 3. 5 for Antony’s force of 6,000 veterans; Cicero, ad Fam. 12. 2. 1, 3. 1, Plutarch, Cicero 43 for his fears.
11 Appian, BC 3. 40; Cicero, ad Att. 16. 8, written on 4 November 44 BC reports that Caesar had 3,000 veterans and mentions the latter’s hope of winning over the Macedonian legions.
12 Cicero, ad Att. 16. 11. 6.
13 Worries about Caesar, Cicero, ad Att. 16. 14. 1, Atticus’ quote 16. 15. 3, cf. Plutarch, Cicero 44–6, with Stockton (1971), pp. 295–6.
14 Cicero, ad Att. 16. 15. 3 for quote, and also Appian, BC 3. 41–2, Dio 45. 12. 3–6.
15 Cicero, Philippics 3. 20 for the allegation that Antony planned to have Caesar declared a public enemy.
16 On the inevitable tail of merchants, not their presence outside Quintus Cicero’s winter camp in Gaul in 53 BC, Caesar, BG 6. 37.
17 Julius Caesar’s promotion of centurions from veteran units to higher grades in newly formed legions, e.g. Caesar, BG 6. 40.
18 Appian, BC 3. 31, 40–44, Dio 45. 12. 1–13. 5, Cicero, Philippics 3. 4, 6, 38–9, 4. 5–6, with Osgood (2006), pp. 47–50; for a discussion of Legio Martia and a possible tombstone of one of its centurions see L. Keppie, ‘A centurion of legio Martia at Padova?’, Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies 2 (1991), pp. 115–21 = L. Keppie, Legions and Veterans: Roman Army Papers 1971–2000 (2000), pp. 68–74, and A. Goldsworthy, Antony and Cleopatra (2010), pp. 219–21.
