Delphi Complete Works of William Godwin 1st ed. (2022), page 458
part #1 of Delphi Classics Series
This is certainly a very deplorable scene, and is made the more so by the previous character which history has impressed on us, of the simplicity, integrity, and generous love of liberty of the Dalecarlians. For the children and their parents we can feel nothing but unmingled pity. The case of the witches is different. That three hundred children should have been made the victims of this imaginary witchcraft is doubtless a grievous calamity. And that a number of women should have been found so depraved and so barbarous, as by their incessant suggestions to have practised on the minds of these children, so as to have robbed them of sober sense, to have frightened them into fits and disease, and made them believe the most odious impossibilities, argued a most degenerate character, and well merited severe reprobation, but not death. Add to which, many of these women may be believed innocent, otherwise a great majority of those who were executed, would not have died protesting their entire freedom from what was imputed to them. Some of the parents no doubt, from folly and ill judgment, aided the alienation of mind in their children which they afterwards so deeply deplored, and gratified their senseless aversion to the old women, when they were themselves in many cases more the real authors of the evil than those who suffered.
WITCHCRAFT IN NEW ENGLAND.
AS A STORY of witchcraft, without any poetry in it, without any thing to amuse the imagination, or interest the fancy, but hard, prosy, and accompanied with all that is wretched, pitiful and withering, perhaps the well known story of the New England witchcraft surpasses every thing else upon record. The New Englanders were at this time, towards the close of the seventeenth century, rigorous Calvinists, with long sermons and tedious monotonous prayers, with hell before them for ever on one side, and a tyrannical, sour and austere God on the other, jealous of an arbitrary sovereignty, who hath “mercy on whom he will have mercy, and whom he will he hardeneth.” These men, with long and melancholy faces, with a drawling and sanctified tone, and a carriage that would “at once make the most severely disposed merry, and the most cheerful spectators sad,” constituted nearly the entire population of the province of Massachuset’s Bay.
The prosecutions for witchcraft continued with little intermission principally at Salem, during the greater part of the year 1692. The accusations were of the most vulgar and contemptible sort, invisible pinchings and blows, fits, with the blastings and mortality of cattle, and wains stuck fast in the ground, or losing their wheels. A conspicuous feature in nearly the whole of these stories was what they named the “spectral sight;” in other words, that the profligate accusers first feigned for the most part the injuries they received, and next saw the figures and action of the persons who inflicted them, when they were invisible to every one else. Hence the miserable prosecutors gained the power of gratifying the wantonness of their malice, by pretending that they suffered by the hand of any one whose name first presented itself, or against whom they bore an ill will. The persons so charged, though unseen by any but the accuser, and who in their corporal presence were at a distance of miles, and were doubtless wholly unconscious of the mischief that was hatching against them, were immediately taken up, and cast into prison. And what was more monstrous and incredible, there stood at the bar the prisoner on trial for his life, while the witnesses were permitted to swear that his spectre had haunted them, and afflicted them with all manner of injuries. That the poor prosecuted wretch stood astonished at what was alleged against him, was utterly overwhelmed with the charges, and knew not what to answer, was all of it interpreted as so many presumptions of his guilt. Ignorant as they were, they were unhappy and unskilful in their defence; and, if they spoke of the devil, as was but natural, it was instantly caught at as a proof how familiar they were with the fiend that had seduced them to their damnation.
The first specimen of this sort of accusation in the present instance was given by one Paris, minister of a church at Salem, in the end of the year 1691, who had two daughters, one nine years old, the other eleven, that were afflicted with fits and convulsions. The first person fixed on as the mysterious author of what was seen, was Tituba, a female slave in the family, and she was harassed by her master into a confession of unlawful practices and spells. The girls then fixed on Sarah Good, a female known to be the victim of a morbid melancholy, and Osborne, a poor man that had for a considerable time been bed-rid, as persons whose spectres had perpetually haunted and tormented them: and Good was twelve months after hanged on this accusation.
A person, who was one of the first to fall under the imputation, was one George Burroughs, also a minister of Salem. He had, it seems, buried two wives, both of whom the busy gossips said he had used ill in their life-time, and consequently, it was whispered, had murdered them. This man was accustomed foolishly to vaunt that he knew what people said of him in his absence; and this was brought as a proof that he dealt with the devil. Two women, who were witnesses against him, interrupted their testimony with exclaiming that they saw the ghosts of the murdered wives present (who had promised them they would come), though no one else in the court saw them; and this was taken in evidence. Burroughs conducted himself in a very injudicious way on his trial; but, when he came to be hanged, made so impressive a speech on the ladder, with fervent protestations of innocence, as melted many of the spectators into tears.
The nature of accusations of this sort is ever found to operate like an epidemic. Fits and convulsions are communicated from one subject to another. The “spectral sight,” as it was called, is obviously a theme for the vanity of ignorance. “Love of fame,” as the poet teaches, is an “universal passion.” Fame is placed indeed on a height beyond the hope of ordinary mortals. But in occasional instances it is brought unexpectedly within the reach of persons of the coarsest mould; and many times they will be apt to seize it with proportionable avidity. When too such things are talked of, when the devil and spirits of hell are made familiar conversation, when stories of this sort are among the daily news, and one person and another, who had a little before nothing extraordinary about them, become subjects of wonder, these topics enter into the thoughts of many, sleeping and waking: “their young men see visions, and their old men dream dreams.”
In such a town as Salem, the second in point of importance in the colony, such accusations spread with wonderful rapidity. Many were seized with fits, exhibited frightful contortions of their limbs and features, and became a fearful spectacle to the bystander. They were asked to assign the cause of all this; and they supposed, or pretended to suppose, some neighbour, already solitary and afflicted, and on that account in ill odour with the townspeople, scowling upon, threatening, and tormenting them. Presently persons, specially gifted with the “spectral sight,” formed a class by themselves, and were sent about at the public expence from place to place, that they might see what no one else could see. The prisons were filled with the persons accused. The utmost horror was entertained, as of a calamity which in such a degree had never visited that part of the world. It happened, most unfortunately, that Baxter’s Certainty of the World of Spirits had been published but the year before, and a number of copies had been sent out to New England. There seemed a strange coincidence and sympathy between vital Christianity in its most honourable sense, and the fear of the devil, who appeared to be “come down unto them, with great wrath.” Mr. Increase Mather, and Mr. Cotton Mather, his son, two clergymen of highest reputation in the neighbourhood, by the solemnity and awe with which they treated the subject, and the earnestness and zeal which they displayed, gave a sanction to the lowest superstition and virulence of the ignorant.
All the forms of justice were brought forward on this occasion. There was no lack of judges, and grand juries, and petty juries, and executioners, and still less of prosecutors and witnesses. The first person that was hanged was on the tenth of June, five more on the nineteenth of July, five on the nineteenth of August, and eight on the twenty-second of September. Multitudes confessed that they were witches; for this appeared the only way for the accused to save their lives. Husbands and children fell down on their knees, and implored their wives and mothers to own their guilt. Many were tortured by being tied neck and heels together, till they confessed whatever was suggested to them. It is remarkable however that not one persisted in her confession at the place of execution.
The most interesting story that occurred in this affair was of Giles Cory, and Martha, his wife. The woman was tried on the ninth of September, and hanged on the twenty-second. In the interval, on the sixteenth, the husband was brought up for trial. He said, he was not guilty; but, being asked how he would be tried? he refused to go through the customary form, and say, “By God and my country.” He observed that, of all that had been tried, not one had as yet been pronounced not guilty; and he resolutely refused in that mode to undergo a trial. The judge directed therefore that, according to the barbarous mode prescribed in the mother-country, he should be laid on his back, and pressed to death with weights gradually accumulated on the upper surface of his body, a proceeding which had never yet been resorted to by the English in North America. The man persisted in his resolution, and remained mute till he expired.
The whole of this dreadful tragedy was kept together by a thread. The spectre-seers for a considerable time prudently restricted their accusations to persons of ill repute, or otherwise of no consequence in the community. By and by however they lost sight of this caution, and pretended they saw the figures of some persons well connected, and of unquestioned honour and reputation, engaged in acts of witchcraft. Immediately the whole fell through in a moment. The leading inhabitants presently saw how unsafe it would be to trust their reputations and their lives to the mercy of these profligate accusers. Of fifty-six bills of indictment that were offered to the grand-jury on the third of January, 1693, twenty-six only were found true bills, and thirty thrown out. On the twenty-six bills that were found, three persons only were pronounced guilty by the petty jury, and these three received their pardon from the government. The prisons were thrown open; fifty confessed witches, together with two hundred persons imprisoned on suspicion, were set at liberty, and no more accusations were heard of. The “afflicted,” as they were technically termed, recovered their health; the “spectral sight” was universally scouted; and men began to wonder how they could ever have been the victims of so horrible a delusion. 227
CONCLUSION.
THE VOLUME OF records of supposed necromancy and witchcraft is sufficiently copious, without its being in any way necessary to trace it through its latest relics and fragments. Superstition is so congenial to the mind of man, that, even in the early years of the author of the present volume, scarcely a village was unfurnished with an old man or woman who laboured under an ill repute on this score; and I doubt not many remain to this very day. I remember, when a child, that I had an old woman pointed out to me by an ignorant servant-maid, as being unquestionably possessed of the ominous gift of the “evil eye,” and that my impulse was to remove myself as quickly as might be from the range of her observation.
But witchcraft, as it appears to me, is by no means so desirable a subject as to make one unwilling to drop it. It has its uses. It is perhaps right that we should be somewhat acquainted with this repulsive chapter in the annals of human nature. As the wise man says in the Bible, “It is good for us to resort to the house of those that mourn;” for there is a melancholy which is attended with beneficial effects, and “by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better.” But I feel no propensity to linger in these dreary abodes, and would rather make a speedy exchange for the dwellings of healthfulness and a certain hilarity. We will therefore with the reader’s permission at length shut the book, and say, “Lo, it is enough.”
There is no time perhaps at which we can more fairly quit the subject, than when the more enlightened governments of Europe have called for the code of their laws, and have obliterated the statute which annexed the penalty of death to this imaginary crime.
So early as the year 1672, Louis XIV promulgated an order of the council of state, forbidding the tribunals from proceeding to judgment in cases where the accusation was of sorcery only. 228
In England we paid a much later tribute to the progress of illumination and knowledge; and it was not till the year 1736 that a statute was passed, repealing the law made in the first year of James I, and enacting that no capital prosecution should for the future take place for conjuration, sorcery and enchantment, but restricting the punishment of persons pretending to tell fortunes and discover stolen goods by witchcraft, to that appertaining to a misdemeanour.
As long as death could by law be awarded against those who were charged with a commerce with evil spirits, and by their means inflicting mischief on their species, it is a subject not unworthy of grave argument and true philanthropy, to endeavour to detect the fallacy of such pretences, and expose the incalculable evils and the dreadful tragedies that have grown out of accusations and prosecutions for such imaginary crimes. But the effect of perpetuating the silly and superstitious tales that have survived this mortal blow, is exactly opposite. It only serves to keep alive the lingering folly of imbecile minds, and still to feed with pestiferous clouds the thoughts of the ignorant. Let us rather hail with heart-felt gladness the light which has, though late, broken in upon us, and weep over the calamity of our forefathers, who, in addition to the inevitable ills of our sublunary state, were harassed with imaginary terrors, and haunted by suggestions,
Whose horrid image did unfix their hair,
And make their seated hearts knock at their ribs,
Against the use of nature.
THE END
ENDNOTES.
1 Joshua, vii. 16, et seq.
2 De Arte Poetica, v. 150.
3 Romans, xi. 32.
4 Comte de Gabalis.
5 Genesis xli, 8, 25, &c.
6 Exodus, vii. 11; viii. 19.
7 Ibid, xxii. 18.
8 Deuteronomy, xviii. 10,11.
9 Leviticus, xx. 27.
10 Numbers, xxii. 5,6,7.
11 Numbers, xxiv, 1.
12 Ibid, xxiii. 23.
13 1 Sam. xxviii. 6, et seq.
14 2 Kings, xxi. 6.
15 1 Kings, xxii. 20, et seqq.
16 1 Chron. xxi. 1,7,14.
17 2 Kings, i. 2,3,4.
18 Matthew, xii. 24.
19 Genesis, xliv. 5.
20 Genesis, xliv. 15.
21 Brewster on Natural Magic, Letter IX.
22 De Natura Deorum, Lib. I, c. 38.
23 Plato, De Republica, Lib. X, sub finem.
24 Batrachos, v. 1032.
25 De Arte Poetica, v.391.
26 Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, Tom. V, p. 117.
27 De Arte Poetica, v. 391, 2, 3.
28 Virgil, Georgiea, Lib. IV. v. 461, et seqq.
29 Georgiea, iv, 525.
30 Metamorphoses, xi, 55.
31 Philostratus, Heroica, cap. v.
32 Horat, de Arte Poetica, v. 394. Pausanias.
33 Odyssey, Lib. XI, v. 262.
34 Statius, Thebais, Lib. X. v. 599.
35 Ibid, Lib. IV, v. 599.
36 Ibid, Lib. IV, v. 409, et seqq.
37 Lib. IV, c. 36.
38 Iamblichus.
39 Julius Firmicus, apud Scaliger, in Eusebium.
40 Iamblichus, Vita Pythagorae.
41 Pluto, Charmides.
42 Chronological Account of Pythagoras and his Contemporaries.
43 Laertius, Lib. VIII, c. 3.
44 Lloyd, ubi supra.
45 Iamblichus, c. 17.
46 Iamblichus, c. 29.
47 Ibid, c. 7.
48 Laertius, c. 15.
49 Ibid, c. 11.
50 Plutarchus, Symposiaca, Lib. VIII, Quaestio 2.
51 Aulus Gellius, Lib. I, c. 1, from Plutarch.
52 Laertius, c.19.
53 Bailly, Histoire de l’Astronomie, Lib VIII, S.3.
54 Plutarchus, de Esu Carnium. Ovidius, Metamorphoses, Lib. XV. Laertius, c. 12.
55 Iamblichus, c. 16.
56 Laertius, c. 6.
57 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, Lib. I, p. 302.
58 Iamblichus, c.17.
59 Laertius, c. 8. Iamblichus, c. 17.
60 Cicero de Natura Deorum, Lib. I, c. 5.
61 Laertius, c. 9.
62 Ibid.
63 Iamblichus, c. 19.
64 Laertius, c.1.
65 Ibid, c. 18.
66 Iamblichus, c. 8.
67 Ibid, c. 13.
68 Laertius, c. 9. Iamblichus, c. 28.
69 Laertius, c. 9. Iamblichus, c. 18.
70 Ibid, c. 28.
71 Laertius, c.21.
72 Iamblichus, c.17.
73 Iamblichus, c. 35. Laertius, c. 21.
74 Laertius, c. 21.
75 Laertius, Lib. I, c. 109. Plinius, Lib. VII, c. 52.
76 Laertius, c. 113.
77 Ibid.
78 Ibid. c. 111.
79 Plutarch, Vita Solonis. Laertius, Lib. I, c. 109.
80 Plutarch, Vita Solonis. Laertius, Lib. I, c. 110.
81 Ibid.
82 Laertius, Lib. VIII, c. 51, 64.
83 Ibid, c. 57.
84 Ibid, c. 66.
85 Ibid, c. 73.
86 Plinius, Lib. VII, c. 52. Laertius, c. 61.
87 Laertius, c. 77.
88 Ibid, c. 59.
89 Ibid, c. 62.
90 Laertias, c. 69. Horat, De Arte Poetica, v. 463.
91 Herodotus, Lib. III, c. 14, 15. Plinius, Lib. VII, c. 52.
92 Plutarch, De Genio Socratis. Lucian, Muscae Encomium. Plinius, Lib. VII, c. 52. [Errata: dele Plinius]
93 Plinius, Lib. III, c, 61, 62.
94 Herodotus, Lib. VIII, c. 36, 37, 38, 39.
95 Herodotus, Lib. VIII, c. 140, et seqq.
96 Historia Naturalis, Lib. X, c. 40.
97 Plinius, Lib. XXVIII. c. 8.
98 Pseudomantis, c. 17. See also Philopseudes, c. 32.
99 Theages.
100 Plutarch, De Genio Socratis.
