King Arthur, page 8
English encamped in Tanet. Numbers increase. British can no longer supply them and tell them to leave. Saxons take counsel to break peace.
Chapter 37
Hengist negotiates with the ‘British King’ and envoys sent across the sea.
Sixteen more keels arrive, along with Hengist’s daughter.
Vortigern falls in love and gives Hengist Kent in return for her hand.
Chapter 38
Hengist persuades Vortigern to invite his sons, Octha and Ebissa with forty keels to fight the Irish and settle them near the wall (Hadrian’s).
They wasted the Orkneys and districts to the borders of the Picts.
More keels arrive leaving their homeland empty and they came to the city of the Kentishmen.
Chapter 39
A continuation of the life of St Germanus.
Germanus confronts Vortigern for taking ‘his daughter to wife’.
Vortigern is condemned by ‘the whole council’ and flees.
Chapter 40–42
Tale of Emrys Ambrosius:
A legend of two dragons, one white, one red, causing Vortigern’s new fortress near Mount Snowden to collapse. This is later attributed by Geoffrey of Monmouth to Merlin.
Vortigern grants Ambrosius (identified as son of a Roman consul) the fortress and ‘all the kingdoms of the western part of Britain’.
Vortigern ‘went to the northern part’ and came to the region called ‘Gwynessi’ and built a city called ‘Caer Gwrtheyrn’ (identified in South West Wales).
Chapter 43
Vortigern’s son, Vortimer, fights against Hengist and Horsa and drives them back to Tanet. Attacking them three times.
Hengist summons more men then fights against British, ‘sometimes victorious. … sometimes defeated and expelled’.
Chapter 44
Vortimer fought four battles:
Derguentid (Darenth in Kent?)
Episford (Aylesford in Kent?) in which Horsa and Vortigern’s son Catigern fell.
Third battle in open country by the inscribed stope on the shore of the Gallic Sea.
Vortimer ‘soon after’ died.
Chapter 45
Saxons return, Hengist asks for peace, Vortigern persuades council to accept.
Chapter 46
At peace conference Saxons treacherously kill 300 British nobles and capture Vortigern who cedes Essex, Sussex and Middlesex to save his life.
Chapter 47
Vortigern flees eventually to country of Demetians (Dyfed) to the fortress of Vortigern on the river Teifi (SW Wales), followed by St Germanus. Vortigern and his fortress is destroyed by fire from Heaven.
Chapter 48
This includes an alternative ending for Vortigern.
Vorttigern’s four sons described.
Vortimer who fought the Saxons.
Catigern (died in battle).
Pascent, who ruled Builth and Gwerthrynion after his father by permission of Ambrosius who was the ‘Great King’ among all the kings of Britain.
Faustus born of incest, cared for by St Germanus, became Bishop of Riez in France.
Chapter 49
Genealogy of Vortigern.
Chapters 50–55
After his (Vortigern’s) death St Germanus returns to his own country.
Details of Life of St Patrick.
So we have some similarities with Gildas and Bede except there are far more details. While many of the dates provided are wildly contradictory, there are indications that it happened much earlier than in Gildas’s account because the author places all these events before Germanus returning to Gaul. We begin to see two slightly different timelines emerging. One places the arrival of the Saxons around 428 and a rebellion in 440, the other a generation later with the arrival in 449 and the revolt in the 450s. This difference is important because Arthur always appears in the tale a generation after Ambrosius leads the fight back against the invaders. The earliest Arthur would have lived according to this narrative is in the 450s and the latest, before 550. We will attempt to narrow this ‘window’ as we proceed.
It is also worth noting Vortimer, Vortigern’s son. This is the first recorded source for this figure who, similarly to Arthur, has been regarded as fictitious by many academics. Vortimer’s battles, recorded in Nennius and Hengist’s battles in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles are located in Kent. Both these sources record Hengist’s brother Horsa as dying at the battle of Aylesbury. The Historia Brittonum adds that Vortigern’s son Catigern also died. So there is a tradition that appears to cross cultural differences.
We then have the most important section and the very first reference to Arthur in any historical source. Nennius states the English increased their numbers and after Hengist died, his son Octha came from the north of Britain to the kingdom of Kent and all the kings of Kent came from him.
Locations in Historia Brittonum.
Chapter 56:
Then Arthur fought against them in those days, together with the kings of the British; but he was their dux bellorum [leader in battle].
The first thing one notices is that he is not titled king. Of course, nor does it state that he wasn’t. There is no alternative title given, although the epithet ‘dux bellorum’ has sometimes been used to justify an interpretation of a Roman title such as Dux Brittaniarum, there’s no evidence for that here however. Indeed, it is very similar to a biblical reference of Joshua. The suspicion is that he is using the references to St Patrick followed by the soldier, Arthur, as a nod to the book of Deuteronomy which has Joshua following Moses. The phrase ‘together with the kings of Britain’ has not only been used to suggest he wasn’t a king, but also that he wasn’t British at all. Again there is no way of knowing.
More interestingly is the preceding phrase, ‘At that time’, for the previous chapter refers to the time of St Patrick. He doesn’t date St Patrick and frustratingly there is a debate elsewhere whether his death was 462 or 493, although as we have seen the latter is more likely. Nor does he clarify whether ‘at that time’ refers to St Patrick’s life, or after his death; once again we are left with a large ‘window’. Another clue is in the text, ‘On Hengist’s death’, later evidence in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles date Hengist’s death to 488, so we begin to see a theory emerging which places Arthur after the death of Hengist and St Patrick, which all ties in with the consensus for Badon in the 490s.
It isn’t that easy of course. First, the dates in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for that time cannot be trusted. Second, it’s not accepted that the figure of Hengist was anything more than fictional, as we shall discover in later chapters. One also has to wonder how likely it would be that a Hengist who arrived fighting-fit in 428 would have lived into the latter part of the century, which is what this source suggests. There are also contradictions from later sources concerning whether Octha is his son or grandson, even if their existence could be proven, which it can’t. But what does seem to be clear from this source is that Arthur is associated with at least one generation after Hengist.
Twelve battles are then attributed to him:
The first battle was at the mouth of the river Glein. The second, third, fourth and fifth were on another river, called the Douglas which is in the country of Lindsey. The sixth battle was on the river called Bassas. The seventh battle was in the Celyddon forest, that is the battle of Celyddon Coed. The eighth battle was in Guinnion fort, and in it Arthur carried the image of the holy Mary, the everlasting virgin, on his shoulders and the heathen were put to flight on that day, and there was a great slaughter upon them. The ninth battle was fought in the city of the legion. The tenth battle was fought on the bank of the river called Tryfrwyd. the eleventh battle was on the hill called Agned. The twelfth battle was on Badon hill and in it 960 men fell in one day, from a single charge of Arthur’s, and no-one laid them low save him alone; and he was victorious in all his campaigns.
It has proven difficult to locate any of these battles. The phrase ‘Then Arthur fought against them’ comes just after a reference to Kent, but none of the possibilities appear to point in that direction.
Table 10
Battle
Translation
Possible locations
Glein
Mouth of the river Glein.
Glein derives from the Celtic ‘glan’ meaning pure or clean so could refer to any number of rivers. There are two river Glens in Britain, in Lincolnshire and Northumberland.
Dubglas, Linnuis
On the river Douglas in the country of Lindsey.
Four battles at the same site. Dubglas may derive from ‘blackwater’ or ‘black green/blue water’, of which there are many. Linnuis is usually taken to mean Lincoln, but also referred to Lennox in Scotland. Additionally, the Lininius referred to Hampshire and Lindinis to Ilchester.
Bassas
On the river Bassas.
Several Bas- suffixes usually referring to Anglo-Saxon names. There is also a Baschurch in Shropshire connected to Powys.
Celidonis (or) Cat Coit Celidon
Celyddon Forest.
Usually assumed to mean the Caledonian forest, but could also refer to the forest of Celyddon located possibly in Gwent; Celyddon is a Welsh name and is referred to in later poems. There are also links to Kit Coit, the burial place of Catigern after the battle in Kent, mentioned in both Nennius and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles where Horsa died.
Castello Guinnion
In Guinnion fort.
Winchester was called Caer Guinn and Vinovium near Durham, Gwinnouion. There are several Gwynion-type names that could have been given to a fort. The image on his shoulders could be a mistranslation of the Welsh word for shield.
Urbe Legionnis
In the city of the legion.
Caerleon, Chester or York most likely, but any town or city where the army was based at that time.
Tribuit
Bank of the river Tryfrwyd.
Some people identify it’s location as the river Frew at Stirling; others, the river Ribble in Lancashire, the Severn at Gloucester or the Eden at Carlisle. It’s mentioned in the Welsh poem Pa Gur as Trywruid.
Agned (or Breguoin in other copies.)
Mount Agned.
Geoffrey of Monmouth sites Monte Agned at Edinburgh. A tenth-century version of Nennius’s History gives this battle the alternative name of Breguoin. This could be Bravonium in Herefordshire or Bremenium, High Rochester in Northumberland.
Monte Badonis
Badon Hill.
Nennius mentions the baths of Badon as one of the wonders of Britain and implies it is Bath. Badon or Baddon was the British for bath, but there were other ‘baths’ or hot springs in Britain. Plus Bath was known as Aquae Sulis in Gildas’s time. It wasn’t known as Badon, Badan or Badum until after the Saxon conquest in 577. Perhaps more importantly Monte, or mons in Gildas, usually means mountain or very large hill, which doesn’t describe the area in the South of the country.
British Din Badon would be translated into Baddanbryg in Anglo-Saxon and there are a variety of Bad- suffixes across the country. Alternatively Caer Faddon is mentioned in the Dream of Rhonabwy and is located on the Severn near Welshpool.
Mynydd Baidan is another possibility in South wales.
Buxton also has a spring and Roman baths and a Roman Road called Bathamgate and is in a more mountainous area.
There is a case for locating these battles in various areas of the country and these may give clues as to whom he was fighting and whether he travelled over the whole country or was more localised. There are a number of different theories which have been used to locate all twelve battles either in Wales, the South, the North or the East depending on your preference.3 There is evidence the list may contain the ‘resonance of Old Welsh poetic structure’,4 basically a battle song or poem. While some scholars think one or two locations can be identified,5 others, such as Higham, find the battle list is one ‘which our author largely compiled himself’,6 and Padel finds ‘safe identification is impossible’.7
Some possible battle locations (13 = Camlan). Most likely locations in bold.
I might also add that some have identified other battles not connected to this time at all. The Battle of Celyddon Forest may refer to The Battle of Arfderydd in 573, fought in Strathcylde and traditionally has Myrddin turning mad and fleeing to the Caledonian Forest. The Battle in the City of the Legion may refer to the Battle of Chester in 616. It has even been suggested that the Battle of Badon was simply attributed to Arthur falsely to enhance his prestige. The text suggests he was fighting against ‘them’, by which it implies saxons. Specifically Hengist’s son, who moved from the north to Kent, but it’s difficult to come up with any locations from Kent that might be relevant.
If we could locate Badon, for example, this might help us understand the political and military situation. Battles confined to one area, or spread out across the whole island, would indicate if Arthur was a local ruler or operated across the whole country. Unfortunately no one has ever actually proved the location of any of these. Even those where there might have been a consensus, such as Celyddon or Badon, there is none.
The most we can say is that Celidonis is likely to be the Caledonian Forest and Linnuis is likely to mean Lincoln, given the location of Angle settlement and likely areas of contention. Aside from that I wouldn’t be confident about any of the locations. Bede mentions a river Glen near Yeavering Bell in Northumberland. He’s referring to King Edwin of Bernicia around 627, and of course is writing 100 years later. It may well be significant given that Nennius refers to a battle by a river of the same name. If Glein is likely to be Northumberland, Celidonis the Caledonian Forest, and the four battles of Linnuis, Lincoln, then we have a northern Arthur fighting the Angles on the east coast from above Hadrian’s Wall to the Wash. Given also that ‘Mons’ means mountain, there is a distinctly northern flavour to many of the battles.
One theory suggests Artur Mac Aedan of Dalriada from around 600 as the basis of the legend. Many of the locations in that area have been connected to these battles, but also many sites from the legend itself. Going against this is the fact we have reasonable sources covering that period and there’s no hint that this is the Arthur of legend, or anything in his life connected to the legend. We will discuss this theory among others much later, but it’s possible Nennius found a battle list of this Artur, Arthwys of the Pennines, or some other Arth-like name and assumed it was Arthur. Even that would still leave us with an Arthur located by Nennius as being sometime before or after the turn of the century.
The important point is that this is the first text to mention Arthur anywhere in history, albeit 300 years or more after the events. We must accept that we cannot identify the dates or locations – or even veracity of any of these battles save Badon, which Gildas mentions. The important question remains: can the text of the Historia Brittonum concerning Arthur fighting the Saxons be regarded as accurate? Even if the battles were appropriated from someone else or simply made up, we are still left with a claim that sometime after Hengist and St Partick but before Ida of Northumbria, Arthur ‘fought against them’. I would suggest there are five main options:
• He is a complete fabrication of the author.
• He is a mythical figure the author knowingly uses.
• The author erroneously believes him to be a historical figure.
• Arthur is a historical figure but the author misplaces him in the chronology.
• Arthur is a historical figure and the author correctly places him around 500.
We must look at the intention of the author. The text itself says far more about the ninth century than the fifth or sixth.8 Although some have argued it is no less historical than other major histories of the early Middle Ages.9 It is written for the political situation at the time, but also in some ways as a counter to Bede’s ‘English version’, which the author appears to know well.10 Some of the content suggests he is contrasting two dynastic foundations’ tales, Gwynedd and Powys.11 So it could be argued he is writing for King Merfyn and thus showing Gwynedd in a good light while Powys and other areas less so. The text contradicts and undermines many of the dynastic positions of contemporary British kings elsewhere in Wales.12 Additionally, he is placing much of the blame on Vortigern rather than the British as a race.
It thus has a political purpose, so when he introduces Ambrosius, this time it’s a very different character from the Romano-British warrior of Gildas and Bede. Here we meet him as a small orphan boy called Emrys Ambrosius, and there is a legend of two ‘worms’ fighting, often retold as a red and white dragon. Three times they fight until the white (representing the Saxons) is finally defeated by the red (the Britons). Nennius is the first person to mention Vortimer and Arthur in history. The purpose could be to demonstrate that Merfyn will be the third successful British ruler to drive the Saxons out.
This seems to contradict his comment in the preface of ‘made a heap of all I have found’. The evidence suggests this is not a committed historian collecting various bits of evidence, some contradictory, and attempting to write an accurate account.13 Rather it is a purposeful synchronising history and the text should be viewed as a whole, a narrative with a purpose. Many texts in the early Middle Ages combine the history of a people with a history of the church and the text is constructed to form a narrative. That doesn’t necessarily mean the contents aren’t true, but one must remember the content and style has a purpose.
The Saxons are portrayed, unsurprisingly, in a bad light; succeeding through treachery, murder and poisoning. The fault on the British side is laid squarely at Vortigern’s feet. Vortimer is there to show that the British were not the weak cowards portrayed by Gildas and Bede. Later he introduces St Patrick and Arthur, both British, one clerical and one martial. This is to demonstrate the spiritual and military prowess of the British. Arthur’s construction is similar to the Book of Deuteronomy, where Joshua follows Moses in the same way Arthur follows St Patrick.14 Joshua is also called a ‘leader of battle’. It positions the Britons as the new Israelites overcoming their enemies and re-occupying the promised land.
