Alexander Histories and Iranian Reflections, page 21
part #1 of Alexander Histories and Iranian Reflections Series
1988, p. 510; Boar hunts as royal pastime occur in the arts of the sasanian period, for instance
in the boar-hunt relief at taq-i Bostan; see g. herrmann, The Iranian Revival, oxford, 1977,
pp. 132 f.; p.o. harper, The Royal Hunter, new York, 1978, p. 121. during this period several
kings were also named Bahram and recognized him as their personal patron-deity; see
a. sh. shahbazi, “Bahram”, Encyclopaedia Iranica iii: 5, 1988, pp. 514 f.; p. Jamzadeh, “ii.
representation in iranian art”, Encyclopaedia Iranica iii: 5, 1988, pp. 513–514.
zoroastrian echoes in alexander histories
127
in the continuation of the story of the mutiny it is stated that alexander
in responding to the charges of his excesses in iranizations, as voiced by
hermolaus, and given as the reason for the assassination plot, responds in
terms of: “We are coming, not because we are desirous of gold and silver,
but to subdue the whole world ”40 (my emphasis). interestingly this cannot
be seen as a correct and valid response to the greeks’ concerns and the
stated aims for the campaigns, but rather resembles the function of the god
of war and victory. it also bears resemblances to the rhetoric of darius i,
especially where he orders his generals to go forth and subdue the rebel-
lious armies that do not call themselves his.41
Furthermore, in his defense, hermolaus also declares that he and his
associates had come to kill a king of the persians, as alexander now was
one.42 in the same section a reference to victory also occurs but in a
reversed role: alexander had “made the victors pass under the yoke”.43
it may be concluded that the overall sense of the story reveals certain
vestiges of the iranian influences that intrude in the accounts from earlier
sources that had included a program of propaganda identifying alexander
with the iranian god of victory and its relevant imagery.
it is most significant that here too arrian states that he is relating the
story out of its chronological sequence and, furthermore, that there had
been many other details reported by different writers, but that he had
related it as part of the story of Cleitus, since he regards it really akin to
Cleitus’ story for the purpose of narration.44 as noted, the story of Cleitus
also included iranian and Zoroastrian material, probably originating from
earlier sources.
3. The Sogdian Campaign and its Zoroastrian Features
included in the accounts of the sogdian campaign, and especially the cap-
ture of a rock, are allusions to a deity of waters whose signs alexander
interprets as support of the gods. at the same time another account, stress-
ing his arrogance, intercedes and portrays him as aspiring to tame nature
and hence the goddess related to the sacred place. Calendrical references
40 Curtius Viii. 8. 17.
41 dB. iii. 18 (Kent, pp. 125, 127 f.).
42 Curtius Viii. 7. 12.
43 Ibid.
44 arrian iV. 14, 4.
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also occur in various points in the accounts. it is perhaps possible to see
different sources forming the basis of the reports on this campaign.45
the victory over the sogdian territories proves especially difficult for
alexander. although much of the achaemenid empire had been captured,
the sogdian population was still resisting and there were reports of their
seeking refuge in the forts against the governor appointed by alexander.46
it is in this situation and in association with his advances in order to subju-
gate the rebels that an episode is included in the sources that informs of a
favourable sign from an iranian divinity. in the course of frantic digging of
wells to reach water, without success, suddenly a spring of water appears
in alexander’s tent.47 one would see a clear reference to anahita, the
iranian goddess of waters.48 in arrian’s account, the spring emerges near
alexander’s tent and there is a spring of oil next to it as well,49 which finds
greek interpretations accordingly in relation to olive oil.50 as plutarch
relates the story, it seems to refer to a liquid with certain similarities to
olive oil and is taken to be a divine portent indicating a difficult but in
the end glorious campaign, “for oil, they said ( i.e. the seers) was given to
men by heaven as an aid to toil”.51
anahita’s attributes are seen in the context of the same sogdian cam-
paign again. Curtius states that alexander had subdued all but for a rock
which ariamazes, a sogdian held with 30,000 men and provision, for two
years. he describes the rock as rising to 30 stadia, with a circuit of 150. it
is steep on every side and its only access is by a narrow path. half way up
there is a cave with a narrow and obscure entrance, which inside opens
into deep recesses. “Springs flow almost everywhere in the cavern, and the
waters which gather in these send forth a river down the steep sides of the
mountain”52 (my emphasis). From sasanian times places sacred to anahita
with specific features of rocks and water are known. an example is the site
45 the problem with the sources has been noted; see especially a.B. Bosworth, “a
missing year in the history of alexander the great”, Journal of Hellenic Studies 101, 1981,
pp. 17–39; Id., 1988a, pp. 112 f.; W.W. tarn, Alexander the Great i, Cambridge, 1948, p. 72;
W. heckel, Conquests of Alexander the Great, Cambridge, 2008, p. 105.
46 arrian iV. 15. 7 f.
47 Curtius Vii. x. 14.
48 Āban Yasht, trans. J. darmesteter, The Zend-Avesta, pt. ii, oxford, 1884, Sacred Books
of the East, 23, pp. 52 f.
49 arrian iV. 15. 7–8.
50 Cf. plutarch, Alexander 57. 4; strabo xi. 11. 5; athenaeus ii. 42 f.; Bosworth, 1981, p. 23,
n. 42.
51 plutarch, Alexander 57. 5.
52 Curtius Vii. xi. 1–4.
zoroastrian echoes in alexander histories
129
of tāq-i Bustān near the city of Kermanshah in western iran which boasts
of grottos in the rocky mountain next to a spring of water that forms into
a lake and then a river that flows down stream towards the city. several
sasanian kings have their sculptures on the rocks, including an investiture
by ahura Mazda and anahita.53 the site is believed to have been espe-
cially sacred to anahita, with its predominant water associations.54
Curtius’ account continues with alexander’s determination to conquer
even nature itself.55 this may be seen as reaffirming the sacred nature of
the spot in representing the goddess of waters. at the same time it recalls
a scythian envoy’s admonitions of alexander advising him to curb his
greed, for “when you have subdued the whole human race, you will wage
war with the woods and the snows, with rivers and wild beasts”.56
the rock is eventually captured and the rebels surrender.57 among
these is roxana, a local nobility’s daughter, with whom alexander is said
to have fallen in love and married.58 however, Curtius’ account includes
another battle with the natural forces before the eventual surrender of the
sogdian rebels. it takes place in the course of a campaign against a region
called gazaba. the first day of march is quiet and easy. the second day
is still not stormy and gloomy, but somewhat darker. however, on the
third day of the march, they encounter an extraordinary phenomenon of
lightening flashing all over the heavens, and the light alternately sparkling
and fading, thus bringing terror to the hearts and eyes of the marching
men. the continuous peal of thunder and lightning bolts stuns and deaf-
ens the army into a standstill. it is followed by a torrential shower of hail.
at first they withstand this under cover of their shields, but soon their
hands are frozen and unable to hold their slippery weapons. they do not
know which way to run for the storm meets them with a greater violence
wherever they turn. the army breaks up and men wander aimlessly in the
woods. Many are overwhelmed by fear before they surrender to fatigue
and throw themselves on the frozen ground. others lean against trees,
but they know they are choosing a place to die, for their inactive bodies
would freeze. the grievous torment persists with violence and the light
53 dorothy shepherd, “sasanian art”, Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 3: 2, The Seleucid,
Parthian and Sasanian Periods, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 1085–1089.
54 Ibid., p. 1087.
55 Curtius Vii. xi. 5.
56 Curtius Vii. Viii. 13.
57 Curtius Vii. xi. 5–29.
58 arrian iV. 19. 5; cf. Curtius Viii. iV. 21–29; Metz epitome 28–31, apud heckel & Yard-
ley, 2004, p. 202.
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the nature’s solace is obscured by the woods and the storm that is as dark
as night.59
of special interest in this report is the emphasis on light and the light-
ning that dazzled the eyes and terrified.60 one wonders if there is a con-
nection with roxana’s name.61 in the Shāhnāma, she is darius’ daughter
and referred to as ‘light of the world’.62
a significant recurring number in the accounts of the sogdian campaign
is the various references to number ‘30’. in Curtius’ account, roxana enters
the banquet given by her father, oxyartes the satrap for alexander among
thirty high-born maidens.63 earlier in the report, there is the story of the
thirty prisoners of the sogdiani, of noble birth and extraordinary strength
of body who, on their way to execution, sing a song as if rejoicing.64 the
rock’s height is 30 stadia, and ariamazes holds it with 30,000 armed men.65
those who surrender send thirty of their leading men to do so.66 in arrian’s
account, thirty of alexander’s men lose their lives in trying to climb the
rock. they fall in the snow and their bodies are not recovered for burial,
while the rest reach the top as dawn is breaking and wave linen flags to
the Macedonians below, as the sign of their success.67 it is interesting that
the 30th day of the Zoroastrian calendar is ‘endless light’.68 it is possible
to see an account with overtly iranian elements forming the basis of the
histories. its purpose had been to portray alexander as the righteous fig-
ure who enjoys the support of iranian divinities. the gift of the spring of
water is clear. While there are also traces of a later account in opposition
to the first one that sees alexander as setting out to conquer even nature
and capture the rock sacred to the goddess, and whose beloved wife is
the 30th among her equals in the area, but who has associations with the
natural elements and calendrical references as well.
in the context of the accounts of the sogdian campaign, one may also
note two perfectly preserved iranian place names, which may be another
indication of the existence of an iranian version. arrian mentions the city
59 Curtius Viii. iV. 2–9.
60 Curtius Viii. iV. 3.
61 Avestan Raoxshna, ‘light’; see Borhan-i Qatih, ed. M. Moein, Vol. ii, tehran, 1978,
p. 977.
62 Shāhnāma, Moscow, Vol. Vii, 1968, p. 25.
63 Curtius Viii. iV. 21–23.
64 Curtius Vii. x. 4.
65 Curtius Vii. xi. 1–2.
66 Curtius Vii. xi. 26.
67 arrian iV. 19. 2–3.
68 M. Boyce, Textual Sources for the Study of Zoroastrianism, Manchester, 1984, p. 19.
zoroastrian echoes in alexander histories
131
of Zariaspa,69 ‘golden horse’ ( zari > av. zaranya ‘gold’ + av. aspa ‘horse’).70
arrian also has Bagae ‘a stronghold of sogdiana’,71 in which can be rec-
ognized old persian baga ‘god’ and Avestan baga ‘lot, good fortune’.72
Moreover, it is important to state that in the same accounts the survival
of an achaemenid military institution and its related archive has been
identified.73
4. Iranian and Zoroastrian Features of Hephaestion’s Funeral
at ecbatana, and during a grand festival lasting several days with athletic
games, literary contests and theatres in which 3,000 artists from greece
took part, alexander lost his most dear friend hephaestion, due to ill-
ness or immoderations.74 his mourning as recorded in various sources
was extensive and comprehensive in terms of incorporating customs of
the peoples of the empire, especially those of the iranians. in this mix-
ture what seem to specifically stand out as iranian is the already noted
observation of the three days of abstinence,75 the tradition of shorten-
ing the manes and tails of horses76 also attested by herodotus77 and the
Shāhnāma 78 and an edict with regard to the sacred fire, recorded only by
diodorus:
he proclaimed to all the peoples of asia that they should sedulously quench
what the persians call the sacred fire, until such time as the funeral should
be ended. this was the custom of the persians when their kings died, and
people thought that the order was an ill omen, and that heaven was foretell-
ing the king’s own death.79
this has generally been interpreted as ‘putting out the fire’ on the occa-
sion of a king’s death, to be followed by the installation of a new fire on
69 arrian iV. 1. 5, iV. 16. 5, 6.
70 Cf. Kent, pp. 173, 189; Frye, 1984, p. 181.
71 arrian iV. 17. 4.
72 Cf. Kent, p. 199; Moein, 1978, Vol. i, pp. 288–289, n. 6.
73 Briant, pp. 748 f.
74 arrian Vii. 14. 1; plutarch, Alexander 72. 1; Justin xii. 12; diodorus xVii. 110. 8; Curtius’
account is lost for this section.
75 arrian Vii. 14. 8; cf. Shāyast lā-Shāyast xVii. 2; see above chapter Viii on Cleitus.
76 plutarch, Alexander 72. 2.
77 herodotus ix. 24; cf. plutarch, Aristides xiV. 6.
78 ed. J. Mohl, Vol. 5, tehran, 1989, p. 1484.
79 diodorus xVii. 114. 4.
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the coronation of his successor.80 however, a number of difficulties arise
from this interpretation. in the first place, there is no evidence for the
installation of the fire of a new king or, for that matter, any other record
of the extinguishing the fire on the king’s death. the same alexander
histories report on darius’ death and alexander giving him a royal funeral
and entombment at his ancestral burial place.81 a ceremony of fire is not
included in the reports. While what survives of the achaemenids’ art man-
ifestly underlines their desire for a display of dynastic continuity, rather
than each king’s expressions of individuality.
Furthermore, one should also take into consideration the Zoroastrian
literature and customs, which do not support the understanding from
diodorus’ text but on the contrary negate that understanding. perhaps it is
possible to examine these issues further and draw a different conclusion.
regarding the investiture of an achaemenid king, the only extant
account is that of plutarch for artaxerxes ii,82 which shows the exaltation
of their dynastic continuity through their relationship with Cyrus.83 it is
also important to note that this report does not mention a fire ceremony,
despite the fact that the location is a temple. it is difficult to imagine that
such a politically important rite would have been kept secret and known
only to “those present”.84 even if by the dictates of ritual purity, only a
select group could participate or be present at the ceremony, nevertheless
it would have been heralded around the empire and stated by plutarch
as well.
however, what is known of the achaemenid customs with regards to
the fire shows a stress on an outward and public emphasis on dynastic
continuity. the image of the king exalting the fire forms a central posi-
tion on the facade of his tomb, which is repeated for every achaemenid
80 Briant, p. 522; Boyce, 1991, p. 17.
81 arrian iii. 22. 1; diodorus xVii. 73. 2; plutarch, Alexander 43. 3; Justin xi. 15.
82 plutarch, Artaxerxes 3. 1–2:
it was not long after the decease of darius that the king, his successor, went to pasar-
gadae, to have the ceremony of his inauguration consummated by the persian priests.
there is a temple dedicated to a warlike goddess, whom one might liken to Minerva,
into which when the royal person to be initiated has passed, he must strip himself of
his own robe, and put on that which Cyrus the first wore before he was king; then,
having devoured a frail of figs, he must eat turpentine, and drink a cup of sour milk.
to which if they superadd any other rites, it is unknown to any but those that are
