Robert the Bruce, King of Scots, page 15
John of Lorne fled with his galleys and in due course found his way to the English and received from Edward II the resounding title of Admiral of the Western Seas. His father, Alexander, the aged Lord of Lorne, who had remained in his castle of Dunstaffnage, was soon besieged by Bruce and in a short time surrendered and was taken as hostage for the good behaviour of his followers. Bruce then garrisoned and provisioned the castle and placed in charge a warden to overawe with his authority any dissidents among the Macdougalls.23
With the glamour of his successful campaign in Argyll fresh upon him, Bruce marched up the Great Glen to Moray to come to a final reckoning with the Earl of Ross. The Earl of Ross, as has already been indicated, was a cautious man. Weighing up the events which had occurred since he entered into truce with the Scottish King, he came to the conclusion that there was little to be gained from reliance on Edward II. His natural inclination for the independence of Scotland, provided it could be indulged in without unpleasant consequences for his security, was increased by the territorial concessions which Bruce was prepared to offer him. Accordingly, on the last day of October 1308 at Auldearn, near Nairn, in the presence of an imposing array of Scottish knights and clerics, he humbly submitted his person to Robert Bruce, King of Scots, and asked pardon for his trespasses.
In the rolling phrases of the deed in which his submission is recorded the earl states:
Because the magnificent prince, Sir Robert by the Grace of God King of Scots, my lord, out of his natural goodness, desire, clemency and special grace has forgiven me sincerely the rancour of his mind and relaxed and condoned to me all transgressions or offences against him and his by me and mine … and has graciously granted me my lands and tenements and has caused me also to be heritably enfieffed in the lands of Ding wall and Ferncrosky in the sheriffdom of Sutherland of his benign liberality: I, taking heed of the great benevolence of such a prince and because of so many gracious deeds to me … do surrender and bind me and my heirs and all my men to the said lord my King … and we will be of a surety faithful to him and his heirs and we will render him faithful service assistance and counsel… against all men and women who live or die. And in token of this, I, William, for myself, my heirs and all my men to the said lord my King have made homage freely and have sworn on the Gospel of God.24
His promise of faithful service was fulfilled. A friendship grew up between his family and that of Bruce and in due course Hugh Ross, his eldest son, married Matilda, the youngest but one of Bruce’s sisters.
In the meantime, Edward Bruce had descended upon Galloway like the Angel of Destruction. Dugald Macdowall, who had gathered together the shattered remnants of his clan after Bruce’s whirlwind campaign in the autumn of 1307, joined forces with an English contingent under Sir Ingram de Umfraville and Aymer St John and together, with some 1200 men, they attempted to oppose Edward at a crossing of the River Dee. But though his force was inferior in numbers, Edward, with his usual impetuosity, launched against them on 29 June an attack so furious that they broke and fled and their leaders with difficulty escaped to the nearby castle of Buittle.25 Dugald Macdowall’s family fled to England where they were granted a manor by Edward II26 and Dugald himself was appointed Governor of Dumfries.27
With this main force defeated Edward overran the province, levying heavy contributions of corn and cattle, destroying a number of minor castles and receiving into allegiance the now dispirited inhabitants. He then moved north to link up with Douglas returning south after the battle of Brander Pass, and together they besieged and captured in December 1308 the key fortress of Rutherglen, hard by Glasgow.
He moved south again on hearing that Aymer St John had recruited in England a force of knights and foot soldiers some 1500 strong and was once more in Galloway. On this occasion Edward Bruce was accompanied by those seasoned warriors James Douglas, Robert Boyd and Alexander Lindsay, and was joined by Angus Macdonald with a reinforcement of Highlanders from the Western Isles.
They had pitched camp at the head of a narrow defile when early one morning Edward was roused by a scout who informed him that the English, learning of the Scottish position, had made a forced march to surprise him and were now close at hand. There was a heavy mist that morning so that men could not see as far as a bowshot distance. Stationing his foot soldiers to bar the defile, Edward took the little body of fifty armed knights he had in a detour to the rear of the advancing English and followed their track a short way behind them, concealed in the mirk. His daring intention was to wait until the English clashed with the foot soldiers and then to charge out of the mist and take them from the rear. Before mid-morning the mist suddenly cleared and Edward and his little posse of knights found themselves exposed to view a short distance from a greatly superior body of cavalry. If they retreated they would be overwhelmed so, as Sir Alan Cathcart who was with them related to John Barbour, Edward gave the immediate order to charge. The English, taken by surprise, had hardly time to turn their horses before the Scotsmen had sliced through them, leaving a trail of blood and slaughter, and before the English could turn again the Scots with exemplary discipline had wheeled round and charged back through the disordered lines, creating such confusion that when they wheeled once more to deliver a third onslaught the English broke and fled.28
From that time the hinterlands of Galloway were under the control of Bruce.
The last centre of resistance by Scottish enemies had been eliminated. Henceforward he could devote his energies to clearing his kingdom of English garrisons, ordering his administration and obtaining the recognition of other powers as the rightful monarch of an independent kingdom.
NOTES - CHAPTER 10
1 Cal. Doc. Scots, ii, 1926
2 Flores Historiarum, ii, 595
3 Walsingham, 114
4 Lanercost, 183, 184
5 Cal. Doc. Scots, ii, 1926
6 ibid., iii, 14, 15
7 ibid., iii, 12
8 ibid., iii, 80
9 Barrow and Barnes, S. H. R., xlix, 57–9
10 Cal. Doc. Scots, iv, 1837
11 Barbour, 141–4
12 ibid., 145–6
13 Pluscarden, 181
14 Barbour, 147
15 ibid., 148
16 Barbour, 10, 266
17 ibid., 101–2
18 ibid., 137–9
19 ibid., 137; Cal. Doc. Scots, iii, 28
20 ibid., 150–60
21 Barrow and Barnes, S.H.R. xlix, 57–9
22 Barbour, 148
23 ibid., 161–4
24 Barron, 348
25 Barbour, 154
26 Cal. Doc. Scots, iii, 83, 84
27 ibid., iii, 235, 281
28 Barbour, 155, 156
* cf note VII
11
The astonishing reversal of fortune which within two and a half years had transferred the hunted fugitive in the heather into the ruler of two-thirds of Scotland must in the first place be credited to the man himself. Bruce’s physical strength, his cheerfulness in adversity, his resourcefulness in danger, his brilliance in tactics and strategy alike marked him as a leader who could animate the courage and inspire the affection of all who followed him.
But no man can operate in a vacuum. It was because in the second place he had behind him the widespread support of the Scottish Church, whose network provided him with military intelligence and whose preachings with recruits, that the latent goodwill of the community was conjured into positive action on his behalf.
And in the third place the death of Edward I and the subsequent political troubles of his successor allowed him to deal with his opponents in two separate phases.
The character of that successor is depicted with remarkable unanimity by the chroniclers of the age. Edward II, they write, was large, handsome and brave but weak-willed, indolent and frivolous, caring neither for politics, war nor business but only how to amuse himself1 The principal provider of his amusement was his boyhood friend and companion, Piers Gaveston, whom he married to his niece and created Earl of Cornwall.2 This irrepressible young man, who entertained his King by nicknaming the leading magnates of the realm with such epithets as ‘Burst-belly’, ‘Joseph the Jew’, ‘The Cuckold’s bird’ and ‘The Black Dog of Arden’ and compounded his insults by unhorsing them at every tournament, not unnaturally provoked in them a furious resentment.3 For the five years between the death of Edward I on 7 July 1307 and the capture by treachery and the beheading of Piers Gaveston on 19 June 1312 at the command of the Earl of Lancaster, both English King and nobles were constantly distracted from the business of Scotland by the struggle of one to retain and the others to remove the favourite from his side.
In November 1308 Philip IV of France, whose daughter Isabella had been married to Edward II in January of that year, sought to help his son-in-law. He sent his eldest son to the English court to suggest that the King should negotiate a truce with the Scots and so leave himself free to concentrate his energies against his rebellious barons. At the same time he wrote to Bruce, expressing his special love for his royal person, reminded him of the ancient alliance between Scots and French and asked for his assistance in a forthcoming crusade: a somewhat ingenuous attempt, it would seem, to divert him from prosecuting his war against England.
Whatever the reason, such a message from the leading power in Europe was in itself of immense importance to Bruce for it not only recognized his claim to be King of Scots but by wooing his friendship acknowledged him as master of his kingdom.
While his lieutenants had been fighting in Galloway Bruce had made a stately progress through eastern Scotland from Ross to Perthshire and from there, freed at last from the pressure of campaigning, had issued the first three acts of government of his reign and on 16 March 1309 convened a parliament at St Andrews to consider among other business a reply to the French King.4
The reply was tinged with irony. After thanking Philip IV for his affection for their King, the parliament recalled to him the innumerable ravages which the English had inflicted on their country. Nevertheless, they continued, when ‘the pristine liberty’ of Scotland had been restored and peace obtained from their aggressors, not only the King of Scots but all his nation would rally behind the Holy Crusade on which the King of France was intent.5
Not for eighteen years had a free assembly of parliament been held in Scotland and it was now attended by a notable gathering of noblemen and clergy. The three Earls of Ross, Lennox and Sutherland were there in person. The earldoms of Fife, Menteith, Mar, Buchan and Caithness, whose heirs were in wardship, were represented by deputies from their communities as were the other earldoms of the kingdom with the exception of Dunbar and Angus. Among the knights and laymen were Edward Bruce, who had been created Lord of Galloway by his brother after his successful campaign in that province, the Constable Gilbert de la Haye, James the Steward, Robert Keith the Marischal, who had recently returned to Bruce’s side, the King’s close adherents James Douglas, Thomas Randolph, Neil Campbell, Alexander Lindsay, William Wiseman, David Barclay, Robert Boyd, Angus Macdonald of the Isles and Hugh, son of the Earl of Ross.
Among the clergy were the Chancellor, Bernard Linton, Nicolas Balmyle, who had been chancellor in 1301 and was now Bishop of Dunblane, the Bishops of Moray, Ross, Brechin and Dunkeld, a representative of the Bishop of Glasgow, Robert Wishart, who had been handed over by Edward II to the Pope the previous December, and the Bishop of St Andrews, William Lamberton who, unlike his compatriot, had been released on parole by Edward II to act as an emissary between the two countries.6
This impressive concourse was seized upon as an occasion to proclaim to the world the right of the Scottish people to their independence and of Robert Bruce to be their King.
On 17 March, the day after the reply to Philip IV’s letter had been issued, ‘the bishops abbots, priors and others of the clergy duly constituted in the realm of Scotland’ made a solemn declaration that Robert, Lord of Annandale, ‘the Competitor’, ought by reason of his superior title, the wishes of the community and the laws and customs of the country to have received the Crown of Scotland and that because of the elevation of John Balliol to the throne, his subsequent deposition and the invasions of England great and manifold evil had fallen upon the kingdom until, by the workings of divine providence, ‘the people, not wishing any longer to bear the calamities which had been brought upon them through want of a captain and faithful leader, had taken for their King, Robert Bruce, grandson of the Competitor and had raised him to the throne’. Before concluding with an expression of loyalty to King Robert, they added the warning that
if anyone in opposition should claim right to the Scottish Kingdom by means of documents sealed in the past and containing the consent of the people be it known that all this was effected by irresistible force and violence, by numberless fears, bodily torture and other terrors which could well pervert the opinions and minds of righteous men and strike dread into the stoutest hearts.7
A few days later a similar declaration was made by the nobles, affirming that King Robert was the true and nearest heir of King Alexander last deceased.8
In both these declarations the emphasis is on the legitimacy of Bruce’s kingship. The coronation of John Balliol is treated as an aberration brought about by overwhelming force. The direct descent of Robert I from Alexander III is clearly enunciated.
On this point Bruce would neither make or would be allowed to make any concessions.
In consequence the negotiations for peace which Edward II initiated in 1309, at the instigation of his father-in-law, first by sending the Bishop of St Andrews, then in March Oliver des Roches, the French ambassador, and finally in August Bruce’s own brother-in-law, the Earl of Ulster, to meet with Scottish representatives ended in deadlock.9 Edward was not prepared to grant and Bruce was not prepared to accept anything less than recognition of his right to be King of an independent realm.
During these protracted negotiations Edward II had been able to effect a temporary accommodation with his barons and to bring back to his side Piers Gaveston who, at their insistence, had been banished to Ireland the summer before. Now with the talks broken off and in response to the recurrent cries for assistance from his English-held castles in Scotland, he put a full-scale invasion in train that autumn.
Two separate armies, under the command respectively of Sir John Segrave and the Earl of Hereford and of Sir Robert Clifford and Sir John Cromwell, were sent to Berwick and Carlisle. No sooner had they reached their headquarters than the prospect of a winter campaign among the sodden hills of Scotland appeared so uninviting that they promptly arranged a truce with the Scots.
When it expired on 14 January 1310 Edward II was once more in trouble with his barons and it was prolonged to 8 March. By then he had been forced to accept the surveillance of a reform committee which gave itself the name of ‘the Lords Ordainers’ and the truce was extended yet again to June, ‘for,’ as the Lanercost Chronicle sagely remarks, ‘the English do not willingly enter Scotland to wage war before summer, chiefly because earlier in the year they find no food for their horses’.10
The lull in hostilities throughout 1309 and the early part of 1310 enabled Bruce to visit various areas of his kingdom and deal with administrative matters which needed his attention. He had not forgotten the help he had received from the Western Highlands in the desperate winter of 1306–7 so during the summer and autumn of 1309, with the aura of majesty still about him from the acclamations of the St Andrews Parliament, he made a royal progress along the western seaboard from Ross and Cromarty to the southern shores of Argyll, greeting the Highland chieftains and receiving their allegiance to one who was now a king indeed and not in name only as he had been when they last met.11
During this progress or at its end he must have had Angus Macdonald of the Isles in his company and been satisfied by him that he had sufficient control of the western seas to keep open the route between Ireland and Scotland for the passage of goods. For a trade had sprung up with the Irish for the supply of provisions, armour and weapons to the Scots of which they were sorely in need. Since there was no manufacture in Ireland of the latter two commodities, the merchants met the demand by importing them from England and the continent and re-exporting them to Scotland: to such an extent that in January 1311 Edward II had a proclamation made ‘in all towns, ports and other places where vessels touch’ throughout Ireland prohibiting any trade with the insurgent Scots on pain of the severest penalties.12
But because of the dominance of Angus Macdonald and his galleys trade continued virtually unhindered. In the east, his possession of most of the ports on the North Sea gave Bruce the opportunity to obtain similar supplies from Scandinavia, the Hanseatic towns and Flanders through the enterprise of Scottish privateers or shipmasters of those countries who were prepared to run the gauntlet of the English navy. In return they took back timber, hides and in particular Scottish wool which then, as now, attracted a higher price for its quality.
The improvement of Scottish sheep and fleeces had been largely the work of the Scottish Church and at its annual convocation on 13 February 1310 it showed itself no less mindful of its human flock and their shepherd. During the previous year Pope Clement V, a Gascon like Piers Gaveston and friendly to Edward II, had pronounced excommunication on Bruce and all who gave him aid ‘for damnably persevering in iniquity’ and outlined with relish the horrors that awaited them in the life hereafter if they continued in their frowardness.13 Now as the clergy of the Scottish realm gathered together they set at rest the apprehensions of the devout by brushing aside the fulminations of the Holy Father and issuing a manifesto ‘to all the faithful’ in splendid and resonant Latin that Robert the Bruce had been chosen before God and man as the rightful King of Scotland ‘ut deformata reformet, corrigendaque corriget et dirigat indirecta’: that he might reform what is deformed, correct that which needs correction and straighten that which has gone awry.14
