The Primary Objective, page 42
In conclusion, Wilson read, the Thornberry draft had certain proof of 487 documented deaths at the site and circumstantial evidence of another 245 cases where the cause of death was suspicious. More worrying to Edwin was the intention behind the plan. Why was China researching weapons, potentially of mass destruction, in contravention of at least half a dozen international treaties, and what was the intention of the Iranian authorities in promoting their deployment? He doubted there would ever be answers to these critical questions.
More importantly, the Thornberry Report provided vindication for Peace International’s activities, predicting that its publication would ignite a robust international debate about the development and use of these weapons.
As far as Wilson was concerned, the report had been worth waiting for. It was hard-hitting and evidence-based, offering Tehran and Beijing very little wriggle room over its contents and intent.
The task of bringing it into the public domain would be another challenge.
Firstly, he had to arrange to forward copies of the draft to the sponsoring governments for assessment and to provide them the opportunity to raise questions relevant to their interest. He knew this might involve some ‘horse trading’ over some of the words used that might offend some national sensitivities, but this was a critical part of the job.
Secondly, he would need to propose arrangements for its publication, likely to be at the United Nations next quarterly plenary, if one of the sponsoring governments were willing and able to back it. That too might also include the appearance of eye-witnesses, potentially Jo White-Smith, Amy Fong and possibly Gulam Ehat, at an open hearing.
However, these were questions for another day.
For now, he had to write a letter summarising his own comments on the draft and the way forward to accompany this first iteration and get it to the appropriate quarters in the governments of the United Kingdom, Canada, France, Sweden and, of course, Azerbaijan.
He would have to sit tight for a few weeks longer for their considered response and, hopefully, approval.
The first returns were back with him after just three weeks, with four of the five sponsoring nations offering their unequivocal support. Minor irritation had been expressed by the late inclusion of Azerbaijan as a report sponsor by some of the original commissioners and surprise expressed at their inclusion as a new member of Peace International. Predictably, the Azeris were the ones who took issue with some of the report’s contents – specifically comments regarding the reasons behind the location of the facility so close to their border. Their response had contained an unusual offer.
Would Edwin Wilson make an appointment to attend the embassy in London for a teleconference with Minister Nubulatov at a mutually convenient time?
An appointment was made the following week, and Wilson was treated as a VIP guest upon arrival at the embassy in Kensington Court.
Participation in the discussion was limited to just the two of them, with the ambassador acting as an unofficial chair of the debate.
The Minister was suitably direct. “Mr Wilson, I must commend you and your people for an excellent job and drawing our attention to this potentially serious situation. You will appreciate, unlike the other sponsoring governments, we feel very strongly about this matter, as if this lands badly (and we think it might), as a front line state we may have to deal with the consequences. Having visited our southern region, I don’t think I need to remind you about local sensitivities and security issues involved. We take both seriously, especially as we have to focus so much on the challenges from Armenia, and the occasional mischievous interventions of our Russian cousins. Having considered this matter carefully, my president has decided to use your report for a series of bilateral contacts with his opposite numbers in the Islamic Republic of Iran and People’s Republic of China. We do not consider it to be in our interest to embarrass either government, but to press them privately to change tack and remove this threat to us and others in the region. Our belief is, if they are approached in the right way, we can be optimistic in expecting them to change their strategy. We will also have to tell them that, if we do not receive a positive response, then we will need to join with the British and the rest to publicise the report as you have proposed, as well as making efforts to ensure we have mitigated any threat to our territory that we see arising from the further development of the base at Ibrahim Sami. We also believe in the spirit of peaceful co-existence, a central tenet of Peace International. The Iranian and Chinese authorities should amend the remit of this base to become a complete medical research facility into infectious diseases, allowing our own medics to work alongside them at the compound in the interests of all humanity in the region and beyond. We cannot know what the Iranian and Chinese attitude to this may be, but in this situation we think it important to take the initiative. We are fortunate at the moment to enjoy positive, enduring relations with both countries. Therefore, we insist you delay publication until such time as our diplomatic approaches have been made and answered. We will also take the opportunity of advising colleagues in the UK, Canada, France and Sweden of our views and trust these will be respected. I will be in touch with you directly in the course of the coming weeks, but you should be clear on our final position in the meantime. Once again, thank you and your colleagues for your work. I hope to welcome you to Baku once more in the near future.”
Edwin walked back to Notting Hill Gate tube station, through Hyde Park, past Kensington Palace. Although disappointed, he could hardly be surprised.
He saw a picture of his old friend Roddy in his mind, reclining in an armchair at the St Ermin’s, wagging his finger and saying, “I told you so.”
Now the initiative had passed elsewhere.
But, as Nubulatov had suggested, if the primary objective had been achieved, did it matter?
Two weeks on and two other developments occurred relevant to his interest. The first was a news release from the President’s Office of the Republic of Azerbaijan announcing a state visit to Baku by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including a schedule of matters he would discuss with his guest. Top of the list was new frontier security cooperation, and the establishment of a new global centre of research in north-west Khoda Afrin Prefecture into infectious diseases financed by the governments of Iran, Azerbaijan and the People’s Republic of China, together with a private concern called the Alrakahthan Foundation, ‘in the interests of global peace and humanitarian advancement’ .
The second was in the form of a strange email received from a Yahoo! account, submitted via the comments section of the Peace International website.
“Hi Eddy, how are you? With my mate Sammy, enjoying the sunshine. Bun in the oven. Wishing you well. Jacko.”
Edwin had a week to submit his bi-monthly board report to New York on European operations. At least his fellow directors would get to read the Thornberry Report, even if no one else did.
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About the Author
West Yorkshire-based Martin Venning is a project communications and strategic investment adviser working in the property and construction sector with 20 years’ experience engaging with businesses in the UK, continental Europe and Asia. He trained as a journalist as part of his undergraduate studies and writes for pleasure.
mvenning.net
Martin Venning, The Primary Objective
