Airmen 12.Cry Havoc, page 11
part #12 of Airmen Series
But the hopeful Buddhist leaders were quickly disappointed. The negotiated settlement was a well-played publicity stunt designed to placate the Americans, but which Diem had no intention of honoring as was proven the next day.
August 17, 1963 - Saigon, South Vietnam
The next day, police did not withdraw from their siege around the Xa Loi Pagoda as was agreed in the Joint Communique. Just after 9 a.m., a gathering of 2,000 Buddhist sympathizers, many of which were students, confronted the police and attempted to break the siege. A riot broke out when the police attacked the protestors with tear gas, pressurized water from fire hoses, long batons, and even gunfire. One protestor was killed, and dozens of others were seriously wounded.
When the crowd finally dispersed, government officials blamed “extremist elements” for causing the riot. The Associated Press reported, “It was the most violent anti-government outburst in South Vietnam in years.” Dashing the hopes of the Buddhists that they could trust Diem and his government; the Joint Communique had the opposite effect everyone was hoping for and the violence continued.
August 21, 1963 – South Vietnam
In a bold move that shocked the Americans and the world, Diem declared martial law throughout South Vietnam and ordered the Army to restore peace. Under Diem’s orders, Nhu’s ARVN Special Forces surrounded and then attacked Xa Loi Pagoda and many other pagodas around the country. Their mission was to confiscate Quang Duc’s ashes and heart.
The assault happened so quickly that the monks were unable to protect the charred heart relic from being captured by the soldiers. Two monks were able to escape with Quang Duc’s ashes held in an urn when they jumped over the pagoda’s back fence and sought protection in the U.S. Operations Mission next door.
The Americans at the mission were in no mood to accommodate a search of the facility by Nhu’s soldiers and simply turned them away when the soldiers threatened violence. While Quang Duc’s ashes were able to continue their journey of visiting pagodas throughout the country, over 1,400 monks and nuns were arrested during the raid on the temple which was sacked and looted. Many of the temple’s statues and relics were smashed to pieces and unable to be repaired.
White House – Washington D.C., USA
Normally calm and collected even in times of emergency, President Kennedy was livid when he got word of Diem’s martial law declaration and the raid on the Xa Loi Pagoda. He was swearing far more than usual. Robert sat with him in the oval office and tried to calm his brother. It didn’t work. JFK had had enough. “It’s slap in the face. He promised to cool down the rhetoric and actions against the Buddhists and this is what he does? Attacks the nation’s biggest temple and steals the heart of a martyr? I couldn’t make this stuff up if I tried. Pure stupidity. The gall of that man and his brother. They used Nhu’s Security Forces. We finance those white helmet fuckers through the CIA. Those two scheming assholes probably chose them on purpose, so it looked like we condoned their actions.”
“I imagine so,” said Robert knowing it was better to let his brother vent as much as possible before issuing orders to respond to the incidents. “I think Nhu is more in control of the country and military than Diem at this point.”
“Does it really matter?” said the president. “They’re both corrupt and immoral… and so is Nhu’s wife. Why can’t that woman keep her mouth shut for once? She always says exactly the wrong things at the worst times. She’s like a one-woman-wrecking crew for international politics. There are times I wonder whose side she is on. I have little doubt that if we just shipped her to the north in a crate and made her the politburo’s problem we could end this war in triumph. Why do we have to be stuck with these people? They’re all evil. Why are we dumping hundreds of millions of dollars in aid down a South Vietnam sewer that’s never going to produce anything more than shit?”
After another twenty minutes of ranting to his brother, JFK called his cabinet, advisors, and the military’s chiefs of staff together in the cabinet room. Extra chairs were brought in to accommodate everyone involved.
Upon entering the room, everyone quickly found a seat and remained quiet as Kennedy continued his diatribe, “America is the greatest nation in the world and yet we look like fools for siding with Diem and his family. They have no honor, no ethics, their morals are beyond questionable, and they only look out for their own interests. They are the worst ally we could possibly have chosen. I refuse to continue down this path of moral decay and incompetence. Those in this room are the most experienced and smartest minds in the world. So, dammit, do your duty and come up with workable solutions to end this quagmire. Our reputation is on the line and is our country’s. We cannot fail, not again. No more half-measures. Whatever comes out of this room will be a long-term strategy designed to bring about a victory against the communists and restore America’s reputation as the leading world power. I don’t care what it takes. Everything is on the table. Just make sure you have thought it through, and the consequences make things better and not worse.”
McNamara was the first to speak, “Mr. President, are you saying the removal of Diem is now a strategy you would accept?”
“If that’s what it takes to get us back on track… then, yes.”
“What about a complete withdrawal of all American forces now in-country and the termination of all aid to South Vietnam?” said Dean Rusk, US Secretary of State.
“Same answer. Everything is on the table. I want no stone unturned. We have got to find a way out of this mess.”
“What if it means more US military involvement, not less?” said General Taylor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs.
“So, be it. But you’d better have a convincing argument for that strategy. I want fewer problems, not more.”
Saigon, South Vietnam
When the agreement between the Buddhists and the government failed, many of the older monks that were moderate lost their influence over the community. Younger monks that publicly blamed Diem and his family for religious persecution became the new leaders of the Buddhist community and pushed for more demonstrations. The young Buddhist spread the news that Nhu’s Security Forces were all Catholics and loyal only to Diem and his family.
Nhu’s Security Forces had desecrated the Buddhist pagodas and assaulted the monks and nuns. Some monks and nuns were even killed when they tried to stop the raids. The Buddhist majority throughout the country and even non-Buddhists were outraged. More and more of the young people participating in the marches and protests were from middle and upper-class families that had previously been the backbone of Diem and his family’s support.
Diem was losing his base and decided that a more direct approach was needed to remind the population who was in charge. He ordered high schools and universities throughout the country shut down. When students protested, they were arrested and loaded into trucks with armed guards. The students were taken to detention centers.
Frantic parents searched for their children and demanded their release. Brother Nhu took advantage of the arrests and requested concessions from business leaders whose children were being held. Few refused Nhu’s demands. Diem’s political enemies with children in the detention centers were now at his mercy. They were required to swear their allegiance to Diem and his family before their children were released. Even the children of some of the military leaders were caught up in protests and arrested. They were required to swear their allegiance directly to Nhu and his wife. Any future betrayal from the parents would find their children rearrested and placed in more dangerous facilities with actual criminals. Through Nhu and his Security Forces, Diem was tightening his grip and expanding his base of support, especially among the country’s elite.
But not all were against Diem and the government. Conservative Youth organizations called on the people to resist the misdirection of superstition and fanaticism and warned against communists who may abuse the Joint Communique. Nhu sent secret messages to the youth leaders asking them to lobby the government to reject the agreement and to call the Buddhists “rebels and communists.” Nhu was quietly informing the military and local leaders that the joint communique was designed to be a tactical retreat to buy time until a full-scale operation could put down the Buddhist rebellion and arrest the Buddhist leaders.
With many of the ARVN military units called back to the major cities to protect government facilities against the protestors, the Viet Cong were able to move more freely throughout the country. Arms and supplies were stockpiled for future use. The northern leaders didn’t want any VC actions to disrupt what they saw as an internal collapse of Diem’s regime. The VC did their best to prevent any linkage from potential Coup plotters and the VC’s terrorist attacks and actions against the ARVN. “Never interrupt the enemy while they are making a mistake” was their creed throughout 1963 and the Buddhist Crisis. The chaos created by Diem and his family played right into the hands of the Viet Cong.
In response to Nhu’s draconian measures against the students, the Buddhists increased the production of pamphlets and translated many of the western press’ articles about recent events for distribution among the masses. Graphic photos and drawings were often included in the publications to sway the peasants that could not read. Both Nhu and Diem were vilified as cartoon demons by the Buddhists. As usual, Madame Nhu was portrayed as an evil dragon spewing vicious words from her mouth. The publications were often crude and overt, but they worked. More and more of the population throughout the country sided with the Buddhists and the anti-government demonstration grew in frequency and size.
With the walls closing in, Diem struck back harder. To Diem and Nhu it was just about applying the right amount of pressure before the Buddhists would fold to save their fellow monks and abandon their demonstrations. A government investigation concluded that Quang Duc was drugged and forced to commit suicide by his followers who had been infiltrated by the Viet Cong and converted into a political organization.
IGNITION
August 23, 1963 - White House – Washington D.C.
Seeing the progression of the Buddhist Crisis, Kennedy decided he had to act. Because of his close relationship with Diem, Fredrick Nolting was to be replaced by Henry Cabot Lodge. By bestowing the U.S. ambassadorship of South Vietnam on Lodge, Kennedy was creating political cover. Lodge was a well-known Republican bound by a sense of duty to serve his country whenever called. But Lodge was more than political cover to Kennedy. The president believed that Lodge’s straightforward style was what was needed in South Vietnam. He didn’t pull punches and always called things as he saw them. If anyone could rein Diem and his family in it was Lodge. As summer waned in the American capital, Nolting was out of the hot seat, and Lodge was in.
Saigon, South Vietnam
For several weeks, Coyle had been observing several detention centers around Saigon from a distance. He hoped to see something that alluded to Bian’s or her father’s presence. It was an impossible task since the facilities were surrounded by high walls and the buildings only had a few barred windows covered with louvers preventing anyone from seeing in or out. The complexes were constantly patrolled by Nhu’s Security Forces. Having run out of options to free Bian and her father diplomatically, Coyle was desperate.
What Coyle didn’t know was that Granier had been following him. Granier hoped that Coyle would lose hope and give up his quest to free Bian and her father. He bore no malice against Bian, even though she was a traitor and a spy for the North, but she was going to get Coyle killed and Granier didn’t like that idea. Coyle was a great pilot and had flown Granier and his paramilitary team on many missions. Granier didn’t want to lose them. At least that is what he told himself. If he was being honest, he considered Coyle to be his one and only friend in Vietnam. But Granier wouldn’t admit to having any friends, especially not to himself. Friendship was a luxury he couldn’t afford. It was better to keep to oneself. Then what in the hell and am I doing here? thought Granier.
Granier had considered telling someone what Coyle was planning on doing, but he knew that anyone that he told would probably have Coyle thrown in the brig. Granier didn’t like that idea either. He also knew that talking Coyle out of his harebrained scheme was probably impossible. Coyle was stubborn and worse… in love. He wasn’t sure what he would do if Coyle found where Bian and her father were being held. A good conk on the head might do the trick, at least for a while. But eventually, Coyle would wake up and get right back at it. There were no good options. The only good news was that so far Coyle had found nothing.
As Granier continued his surveillance of Coyle he felt his stomach growl. He was getting soft and that annoyed him. All paramilitary missions had been called off since the beginning of the Buddhist Crisis. He preferred to be busy and hated downtime. He knew that was a peculiar trait and hid it from others. There were lots of things about him that people would have trouble accepting. The biggest of which was that he was a killer. Over the years, he had grown comfortable with the idea. He rarely thought about the morality of killing, especially during a mission. He wondered why it no longer bothered him and what that made him. Some people could lie or steal without guilt. He could kill. Potato, patato. He shrugged it off as not important. That was one of the reasons Granier was able to focus on his mission… he didn’t dwell on things. He thought about a problem, came to a conclusion, then moved on never to second guess himself. A strange kind of confidence.
Ignoring his hunger pains, he used his binoculars to survey the area around the detention center and saw nothing unusual. When he came back to peering at Coyle, he was surprised to see four ARVN soldiers moving up behind him. He wanted to warn Coyle, but it was too late. Realizing someone was behind him, Coyle rose to confront them. There was a brief argument that ended when they grabbed him, bound his hands with a rope, placed a black bag over his head, and escorted him to a military truck. He was placed in the back and the four soldiers climbed in with their prisoner closing the rear tarp to prevent anyone from seeing inside or Coyle from seeing outside. “Oh, shit,” said Granier to himself.
Granier wondered if someone had discovered what Coyle was up to. If it was Nhu, Coyle would most likely be “disappeared” never to be seen again. The truck drove away. Granier was out of position and far from the nearest taxi. There was no way to follow the truck. Coyle was gone.
Granier realized that he had waited too long to tell his superior about Coyle. The problem was that Conein was now his superior. When Lansdale left, the paramilitary teams in South Vietnam were placed under the command of John Richardson, the CIA station chief operating out of the American embassy. Richardson never liked Lansdale’s paramilitary teams. He thought they were a bunch of unruly cowboys that created havoc at every turn. He was much more methodical in his approach and liked long-term strategies with well-defined objectives. Except for an occasional PsyOps mission, the teams hadn’t done much since Lansdale had left. And that was exactly what Richardson wanted. In a few more months, he could declare the teams obsolete and have them disbanded.
Conein had been selected by Richardson as the new overall commander of the teams and that put Granier, one of the team leaders under Conein’s command. Which was fine except that Conein still held a grudge against Granier and wanted him dead. Granier was not fond of Conein either and had once suggested they have a duel with .45s at twenty paces to settle matters. Knowing that Granier was a crack shot, Conein had declined preferring to wait to kill Granier when he wasn’t looking. It was not a good working relationship.
Fortunately for the teams, MACV interfered and complained that all military operations in South Vietnam should be placed under their command and that included the paramilitary teams under the CIA. Richardson saw MACV’s move as a way to dump the teams and didn’t fight the request. The MACV generals took over just as the Buddhist Crisis unfolded and had not yet organized the teams the way they wanted. The teams once again languished waiting for a mission. Conein was still in charge.
Granier approached Conein in his office while he was eating his lunch, a banh mi stuffed with roasted pork, vegetables, and chilis. Conein was busy removing the seeds from the chilis to make the sandwich’s heat bearable. “Got a minute?” said Granier standing in the open doorway.
“Do I have a choice?” said Conein without looking up but recognizing Granier’s voice.
“No.”
Resigned, Conein motioned to a chair and Granier sat. “What’s up?” said Conein.
“It’s Coyle. He’s been taken by the ARVN,” said Granier.
“What?! Why?”
“He was reconnoitering a Saigon detention facility.”
“Why the hell was he doing that?”
“He thought his girlfriend or her father might be there.”
“You mean his girlfriend the traitor?”
“That’s her.”
“So, what was he going to do? Break her and her dad out?”
Granier shrugged in the affirmative. “You’ve got to be fucking kidding me,” said Conein losing interest in his sandwich. “So, what the hell were you doing there?”
“I was following him. Trying to keep him out of trouble.”
“Nice job, Granier. Why didn’t you report this sooner?”
“Honestly… because I don’t trust you.”
“You’re being insubordinate.”
“Yep.”
“How long ago did they grab him?”
“It’s been a little over an hour.”
“You know, I should probably just leave him.”
“Nhu will torture him.”
